The editorial board noted an early hint of U.S.-Pakistan rift on Jan. 29, 1962. As next-door neighbor India was busy fighting China in a border conflict, it was Pakistan wondering whether western countries were worthy allies, rather than vice versa:
Turning Our Back on Pakistan
Pakistan is wondering out loud about the wisdom of continuing to cooperate with the United States and the Western defense alliance.
Ayub Khan's government has remained loyally aligned with the West, while India has never missed an opportunity to kick the West in the teeth, or to "explain" and condone the Red bloc's machinations. [ ]
Pakistan has proposed to let the United Nations examine the whole Kashmir dispute, which seems reasonable.
Indeed, the Pakistanis have been reasonable beyond the limits of self-interest. Their claims to Kashmir are much more valid than India's. Kashmir's population is 80% Moslem, and would undoubtedly vote for union with Pakistan in a free election.
Pakistan naturally counted on U.S. and British support in the United Nations. What they got was nothing, in spades.
The board found it unsurprising when Pakistan cut its overt link to the U.S., writing on Jul. 8, 1962:
Pakistan Leaves Us for Neutralism
It comes hard to blame the Pakistanis for breaking off their affair with the United States.
Pakistan has given the United States whole-hearted support from Korea on, siding with us in hot and cold crises.
We have failed to back Pakistan as stoutly in the dispute with India over Kashmir. India's Nehru has broken his pledged word to allow a decision by plebiscite in Kashmir. He has temporized, brushed off the recommendations of neutral commissions, and still hangs on to the province.
But the board backtracked only months later, on Nov. 29, 1962 annoyed with Pakistani opposition to aid to India:
Pakistan Should Have a Third Thought
Pakistan creates difficulty by throwing tantrums over U.S. aid to India at this juncture. Pakistan has nothing to fear from this development. The United States would not permit India to turn on Pakistan with these U.S. arms, even if India were not fully occupied with the Chinese threat.
Pakistan's strong hints that the Khan government will resign from SEATO and reach an accord with Red China constitute dangerous nonsense. President Khan might consider that the United States has been generous to Pakistan, even if our stand on Kashmir has been indecisive and annoying.
Certainly Pakistan prejudices its own case in thus fishing in troubled waters, when a successful Chinese foray into India would also menace Pakistan, even if Khan concludes a friendship treaty with Mao. That wouldn't stop the Chinese.
Three years later, after a second Indo-Pakistani war, on Dec. 17, 1965, the board realized that the "tantrum" had morphed into a major geopolitical shift. Pakistan warmed up to Communist China shortly after that country's dispute with India, which was at the time still reaping the benefit of trouble-free American aid ties: