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August 15, 2005

Prove It, Congress

Douglas Kmiec Douglas W. Kmiec
holds the Caruso family chair of constitutional law at Pepperdine University.

The Rehnquist Court has sent confusing signals on the scope of Congress' commerce power. Over the last decade, the Supreme Court gave the impression that Congress' power "[t]o regulate Commerce . . . among the several States" was not unlimited. In its 1995 Lopez and 2000 Morrison decisions, the Court made an attempt to re-establish a link between the Constitution and modern "constitutional law." The Court said "to here, but no further." In Lopez, Chief Justice William Rehnquist recurred to James Madison's observation in Federalist 45 that "the powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which remain in the state governments are numerous and indefinite." The powers remaining in the state governments today are still indefinite, but after Gonzales v. Raich this past term, they are also less numerous.

Raich involved a challenge to the application of federal drug laws to those Californians who by state law are authorized to use marijuana under a doctor's care for relief of symptoms that do not respond to conventional medicines. Even though the marijuana provided was grown entirely within California and was provided to patients without being bought, sold, or bartered, six members of the Court said such patients could be federally prosecuted as a valid exercise of Congress' regulatory power over interstate commerce. But there was nothing either interstate or commercial. It's like the old saw, if we had some ham, we could have some ham and eggs, if we had eggs. Writing for the Court's majority, Justice John Paul Stevens relied heavily on Wickard v. Filburn, a 1942 decision, which federally limited the amount of wheat a farmer could grow on his own farm for his own family's consumption. By the Court's own characterization, Wickard pressed the outer limits of federal power. In Raich, the Court extended federal power even beyond those limits by holding that Congress could prevent a woman with a brain tumor from using a homegrown substance to survive.


Harsh? Yes. Unconstitutional? Apparently not to six members of the Court. What would a Justice Roberts do? His opinions on the D.C. Circuit suggest he would be respectful of Congress' judgment when it was warranted to meet a truly national problem beyond the individual competencies of the states. But where, as in the Raich case, Congress itself makes no findings about the effect of medicinal marijuana use on federal efforts to control the recreational use of marijuana, I suspect Justice Roberts would likely ask for more than conclusory assertion of power. It is not enough for the Court to conclude that Congress could have concluded there was a supervening national problem, even if it didn't and even if no actual proof was offered that it could.

Posted at August 15, 2005 01:53 PM

Comments

I assume Doug Kmiec accurately states that there was nothing in the Congressional record showing Congress found a "supervening national problem."
How much evidence do we need? I blind man could see the national problem.

Posted by: John B. Day at September 3, 2005 02:54 PM

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