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Starting in the late 1980s, 10 states amended their constitutions to provide general protections for unborn life. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, implied in one case that the amendments did not trump its core holding that women have a legal right to end pregnancies.
Even though the current court is the most conservative in decades, it has not reversed Roe.
That's one reason several prominent abortion opponents are skeptical of the new round of proposed amendments.
"Most legal scholars would doubt they have any chance to overturn Roe v. Wade," said Clarke Forsythe, president of Americans United for Life.
But smaller, grass-roots group have read legal analyses that lead them to believe the amendments could end abortion, said Cal Zastrow, head of Michigan Citizens for Life, who consults with amendment supporters nationwide. He said 12 states tried to pass versions of the amendment during the 2006-07 legislative session. None were successful.
"In every election cycle there are more and more people attempting something," he said. "It's really growing."
Antiabortion activists hold out the most hope in Georgia, where the amendment has the backing of some legislative leaders. They're also optimistic in Colorado, where the campaign to collect signatures kicked off last week with a rally headlined by Alan Keyes, a Republican presidential candidate.
"It's not just Bible-thumping kooks or some Roman Catholic nuns" supporting the measure, Zastrow said. "There are a lot of moms and pops that are pro-life who are going to say, 'Why haven't we done something in our state?' "
Kristi Burton, a spokeswoman for the group promoting Colorado's initiative, said the organization hoped to mobilize voters through church networks. The strategy worked last year in Colorado for a ballot measure banning same-sex marriage.
In promoting the personhood amendment, Burton said her group would aim to present a positive, affirming message: "We're not banning abortion. We're defining life."
Her opponents are also honing their sound bites for a future campaign:
"What is the potential impact on our court system of every fertilized egg having access to Colorado's court?" asked Toni Panetta, deputy director of NARAL Pro-Choice Colorado.
Colorado is difficult territory for abortion foes. In 1967 it became the first state to legalize abortion in certain cases, permitting the procedure in cases of rape, incest or for the health of the mother.
"Colorado opened this evil door," Rohrbough said, "and there are many in Colorado who would like to close it."
To Rohrbough, the initiative has additional import. A lifelong opponent of abortion, he took up the cause publicly after his son, Daniel, was killed in the 1999 shooting at Columbine High School in Colorado.
"The environment that happened at Columbine was created by a culture of death," he said.
Proponents of the initiatives say their campaign has a political value as well. Becker, the Georgia Right to Life president, said it could energize dispirited conservatives during the 2008 presidential election.
"It'll draw a lot of conservatives to the polls," he said, "in an otherwise lackluster presidential year."
nicholas.riccardi@latimes.com
Even though the current court is the most conservative in decades, it has not reversed Roe.
That's one reason several prominent abortion opponents are skeptical of the new round of proposed amendments.
"Most legal scholars would doubt they have any chance to overturn Roe v. Wade," said Clarke Forsythe, president of Americans United for Life.
But smaller, grass-roots group have read legal analyses that lead them to believe the amendments could end abortion, said Cal Zastrow, head of Michigan Citizens for Life, who consults with amendment supporters nationwide. He said 12 states tried to pass versions of the amendment during the 2006-07 legislative session. None were successful.
"In every election cycle there are more and more people attempting something," he said. "It's really growing."
Antiabortion activists hold out the most hope in Georgia, where the amendment has the backing of some legislative leaders. They're also optimistic in Colorado, where the campaign to collect signatures kicked off last week with a rally headlined by Alan Keyes, a Republican presidential candidate.
"It's not just Bible-thumping kooks or some Roman Catholic nuns" supporting the measure, Zastrow said. "There are a lot of moms and pops that are pro-life who are going to say, 'Why haven't we done something in our state?' "
Kristi Burton, a spokeswoman for the group promoting Colorado's initiative, said the organization hoped to mobilize voters through church networks. The strategy worked last year in Colorado for a ballot measure banning same-sex marriage.
In promoting the personhood amendment, Burton said her group would aim to present a positive, affirming message: "We're not banning abortion. We're defining life."
Her opponents are also honing their sound bites for a future campaign:
"What is the potential impact on our court system of every fertilized egg having access to Colorado's court?" asked Toni Panetta, deputy director of NARAL Pro-Choice Colorado.
Colorado is difficult territory for abortion foes. In 1967 it became the first state to legalize abortion in certain cases, permitting the procedure in cases of rape, incest or for the health of the mother.
"Colorado opened this evil door," Rohrbough said, "and there are many in Colorado who would like to close it."
To Rohrbough, the initiative has additional import. A lifelong opponent of abortion, he took up the cause publicly after his son, Daniel, was killed in the 1999 shooting at Columbine High School in Colorado.
"The environment that happened at Columbine was created by a culture of death," he said.
Proponents of the initiatives say their campaign has a political value as well. Becker, the Georgia Right to Life president, said it could energize dispirited conservatives during the 2008 presidential election.
"It'll draw a lot of conservatives to the polls," he said, "in an otherwise lackluster presidential year."
nicholas.riccardi@latimes.com
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