Advertisement

Has Trump already lost the Latino vote?

People holding up a handmade sign in support of Donald Trump
Donald Trump surged with Latino voters in 2024, but just a year later, 65% of them say it’s a “bad time” to be Latino in America, with a number expressing regret over their support for the president.
(Alex Brandon / Associated Press)
0:00 0:00

This is read by an automated voice. Please report any issues or inconsistencies here.

For generations, foreign policy eggheads debated the question, “Who lost China?” I’m wondering if election analysts might soon ask, “Who lost Latinos?”

Almost exactly one year ago, President Trump won an impressive election victory. It wasn’t the landslide that boosters claim, but it was decisive. And Trump’s record-breaking success with Latino voters played a crucial part.

In 2020, Joe Biden won Latinos by nearly 2 to 1 (61% to 36%). Four years later, Trump nearly tied Vice President Kamala Harris for the Latino vote (Harris 51% to Trump 48%). He won Latino men by 10 points (54 to 44) — a 33-point swing in his favor from 2020, according to Edison Research. Along with an impressive showing with Black men, the results led many Republicans to claim the GOP was reborn. “The Republican Party is now a multiethnic, multiracial coalition of hardworking Americans who love their country,” then-Sen. Marco Rubio proclaimed.

Advertisement

Here’s how Trump put it in his victory speech: “They came from … all quarters. Union, nonunion, African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, Arab American, Muslim American, we had everybody and it was beautiful. It was a historic realignment. Uniting citizens of all backgrounds around a common core of common sense. You know, we’re the party of common sense.”

In typical fashion, Trump overstated things (Harris won eight in 10 Black votes, roughly six in 10 Asian votes, and union voters broke narrowly for Harris). Still, Trump had every reason to celebrate. Republicans have wanted to gain traction with Latino and Black voters for decades and Trump made serious inroads.

According to every poll, the overriding priority for Latino voters was the economy. COVID and inflation hit working class Latinos very hard and nostalgia for the pre-pandemic Trump economy ran high. Trump’s immigration rhetoric focused on deporting criminal gangs and shutting down the border, moves that Latinos saw as common sense.

The Trump campaign’s most effective ad ran a video of Harris vowing to support taxpayer-funded transgender surgeries for prison inmates and illegal immigrants in federal detention. The tagline: “She’s for they/them. President Trump is for you.”

Advertisement

The ad was controversial for being “anti-trans” but that wasn’t its appeal. It was the message that Harris cared too much about boutique ideological activist causes, not the “common sense” concerns of regular voters.

Fast forward one year, and Latinos are in a very different place than they hoped. For the first time, a majority of Latinos (65%) say it’s a “bad time” to be Latino in America (though only 38% of Republican Latinos agree). Slightly more than half say they fear for their physical safety and believe that all Latinos — regardless of citizenship status — are targets of Trump’s deportation efforts.

In the recent off-year elections, Latinos swung massively back toward Democrats, more than erasing GOP gains a year ago. It’s worth noting that these voters still said that their top concern was the economy, not Trump’s immigration policies. Though one does wonder how many voters, worried about being wrongly detained, didn’t risk showing up at the polls.

In the modern era, the single biggest mistake political parties make is overreading the election returns. The Trump-led GOP is particularly guilty. Every time Trump does something outrageous, self-indulgent or just weird, his biggest fans declare, “I voted for this.

Advertisement

That may be true for them, but it’s not true for the majority-making swing voters who took a flier on Trump based on economic concerns or frustration with Democrats. When a Latino truck driver sees a video of a Latino mother arrested while picking up her kid from daycare, it doesn’t take a genius to understand he’s probably not saying, “This is what I voted for.” Ditto the endless pardons of crooked cronies, the surprise demolition of the East Wing or the tariff-driven chaos working its way through the economy.

Trump’s pride in the diversity of his coalition was understandable, but didn’t account for the fact his coalition was diverse in its reasons for voting for him. Not every Trump voter is a MAGA diehard. The “I voted for this” crowd isn’t a majority. The rest increasingly feel like he’s for him not us — which is why Trump’s approval rating is in “free fall.”

The Trump-pushed redistricting effort in Texas was based on the idea that working-class Latinos were as locked in for Trump as the billionaire attendees of his Great Gatsby party at Mar-a-Lago. If current trends continue — still a big if — Democrats could gain Texas seats in the midterms. One in five Texas Latinos who voted for Trump say they regret it.

The debate over “Who lost Latinos?” is looming on the horizon, though it won’t be hard to answer.

X: @JonahDispatch

Insights

L.A. Times Insights delivers AI-generated analysis on Voices content to offer all points of view. Insights does not appear on any news articles.

Viewpoint
This article generally aligns with a Center point of view. Learn more about this AI-generated analysis

Perspectives

The following AI-generated content is powered by Perplexity. The Los Angeles Times editorial staff does not create or edit the content.

Ideas expressed in the piece

  • Trump captured nearly 48 percent of Latino voters in 2024, a historic high for a Republican candidate, with Latino men swinging dramatically 33 points in his favor compared to 2020, fueled primarily by economic concerns and frustration with Democratic focus on ideological causes rather than working-class priorities.

  • Latino voters in 2024 were persuaded by Trump’s immigration messaging centered on deporting criminal gangs and securing the border, which they viewed as common-sense policy aligned with their desire for law and order.

  • However, one year later, Latino voters have swung decisively back toward Democrats in 2025 off-year elections, reversing the GOP gains as voters react negatively to Trump’s actual immigration enforcement, which extends beyond criminal deportations to affect innocent Latino citizens and residents.

  • The 2024 Trump coalition, while diverse, was built on varied motivations rather than unified ideological commitment, meaning swing voters who supported him primarily on economic grounds are now disappointed by tariff-driven economic chaos, endless presidential pardons, and other governance failures that suggest Trump prioritizes himself over regular working families.

  • Republicans fundamentally overread the 2025 election results by assuming Latino voter support was solidly locked in for the party, when in fact it was conditional on specific economic outcomes and measured immigration enforcement that Trump has failed to deliver.

  • Latino voters continue to cite economic concerns as their top priority even after swinging back to Democrats, indicating that if Trump fails on the economy, Democratic gains among this demographic will be durable rather than temporary.

Different views on the topic

  • Some Republicans maintain that Latino voters supported Trump in 2024 specifically because they wanted stricter border security and law and order, viewing unauthorized immigration as a genuine problem, and that this underlying preference will persist regardless of short-term political fluctuations[1].

  • Representatives of the GOP argue that Republicans have made genuine long-term progress with Latino voters compared to a decade ago, when Republicans won only 17 percent of the Latino vote in 2017, compared to roughly one-third in recent elections, suggesting that absolute support levels remain stronger than historical benchmarks[2].

  • Trump administration officials point out that unlawful border crossings plummeted to the lowest annual level since the early 1970s during the 2025 fiscal year as a result of sweeping immigration enforcement, and contend that Latino voters who prioritize border security will continue to value this tangible outcome[1].

  • Some political analysts suggest that 2025 off-year election results may not be predictive of midterm performance in 2026, particularly because Trump successfully activated low-propensity Latino voters in 2024 who may be more likely to participate in midterm races and could reassemble his coalition if economic conditions improve[2].

  • Certain Republican strategists believe that Latino voters remain persuadable on grounds other than immigration, pointing to growing Republican efforts to associate Democrats with socialism and using controversial progressive figures as cautionary examples to appeal to Latino voters skeptical of left-wing ideology[2].

A cure for the common opinion

Get thought-provoking perspectives with our weekly newsletter.

By continuing, you agree to our Terms of Service and our Privacy Policy.

Advertisement