Advertisement
Matt K. Lewis

Powerful people know Trump’s opinion doesn’t matter as much anymore

Jamie Dimon speaks onstage
Jamie Dimon, chairman of JPMorgan Chase, declined to donate to President Trump’s pet project, the new White House ballroom. He’s apparently calculating that it’s safer now to alienate Trump than to cozy up.
(Alexander Tamargo / Getty Images for America Business Forum)
0:00 0:00

This is read by an automated voice. Please report any issues or inconsistencies here.

A blue wave is building offshore, and Republicans are starting to hear the rumble and fear being washed away.

They have good reasons. President Trump’s approval rating has slipped to a paltry 36%, which is the political equivalent of your doctor saying, “Technically, you’re still alive.”

The notion that Democrats will retake the House has gone from wishful thinking to conventional wisdom — and the possibility they could claw back the Senate is suddenly no longer a joke.

Advertisement

Retirements are accelerating. And if November’s elections in New Jersey and Virginia didn’t serve as a flashing “warning” signal, this week’s special election in Tennessee might do the trick.

True, Republican Matt Van Epps won by 9 points. But just last year, Trump carried that same district by around 22. That’s a swing of 13 points. I’m no math major, but I’m pretty sure if Republicans spot every Democrat in America a baker’s dozen points, the results will be what political scientists call a “whoa, mama” situation.

Indeed, data journalist G. Elliott Morris predicts: “A swing of 13 points would put Dems over 250 seats in the U.S. House” and even a six-point swing “gives them the House, and maybe the Senate.”

Republicans, when they’re being honest, admit this.

Before the election, one House Republican told Politico: “If our victory margin is single digits, the conference may come unhinged.” Well, Trump’s GOP was never exactly hinged to begin with, but you don’t have to be a worrywart to know that it’s time to hit the “panic” button.

The Democratic nominee in Tennessee, Aftyn Behn — dubbed the “AOC of Tennessee” by Republicans — was never an ideal candidate for this district. She leaned left and publicly said she hates country music — an interesting take in a district that includes parts of Nashville.

And yet, for a lot of voters, none of that was disqualifying. Whether the problem is Trump fatigue, the affordability crisis or some combination thereof, the real story here isn’t just that things are starting to look scary for Republicans. It’s that bad news, in politics, functions like compound interest: A small problem today balloons into a huge crisis tomorrow.

Advertisement

“This is the time when both parties recruit candidates, shore up vulnerable incumbents, and set expectations,” writes former “Meet the Press” host Chuck Todd. “And this downturn for the GOP couldn’t be coming at a better time for Democrats or a worse time for Republicans.”

After getting off to a fast start to his second term, Trump’s momentum hit the wall this fall. The results were ugly.

But this state of free fall could last the rest of Trump’s term. Just ask any other lame duck.

And here’s why it’s an even bigger deal: Momentum and perception have always mattered. But in the case of Trump, these ethereal qualities are pulling double duty, not just shaping the 2026 midterm landscape but also bleeding into calculations about whether Trump might somehow find a way to stay in power after 2028.

It’s not paranoia to suspect that political, financial, media institutions — and yes, even judges — are hedging their bets, consciously or not, based on whether they think crossing Trump is more dangerous than running afoul of the next administration (and possibly, the law).

These people can smell risk the way sharks smell blood.

Take JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, for example. He publicly declined to contribute to Trump’s ballroom fund, a move he likely wouldn’t have made if Trump looked stronger. Rather than wooing Trump, he would seem to be striving to stay on the right side of the powerful people who could make life difficult for JPM — whoever will be running Congress in 13 months and the executive branch after Trump.

Advertisement

This is where psychology comes into play. Losing elections and tanking poll numbers aren’t just bad in and of themselves; they also degrade Trump’s ability to project inevitability, which becomes its own sort of self-fulfilling prophecy.

If people perceive that Trump is gaining power, they think of him like a fixed object. Conversely, if they think he’s fading, they suddenly rediscover concepts like “independence” and “legal consequences.”

This is to say, we’re at an inflection point. And every stumble — every retirement, every poll dip, every special election — accelerates the cycle.

Electorally, this discourages top-tier Republicans from running, which hurts the party’s chances of keeping the House. Institutionally, it undermines Trump’s greatest political resource: the illusion of inevitability.

Once that cracks, the whole operation wobbles like a chandelier in a wind storm.

Republicans see it. Democrats smell it. Donors can feel a shift in the air. Anyone with a title, a reputation and a fear of subpoenas has their finger in the wind.

The storm clouds are already gathering.

Matt K. Lewis is the author of “Filthy Rich Politicians” and “Too Dumb to Fail.”

Insights

L.A. Times Insights delivers AI-generated analysis on Voices content to offer all points of view. Insights does not appear on any news articles.

Viewpoint
This article generally aligns with a Center point of view. Learn more about this AI-generated analysis

Perspectives

The following AI-generated content is powered by Perplexity. The Los Angeles Times editorial staff does not create or edit the content.

Ideas expressed in the piece

  • Trump’s approval rating has deteriorated to historically low levels, with the president now at 36% job approval, representing a significant decline from earlier in his second term and positioning him lower than predecessors at this point in their second terms since President Nixon.

  • Electoral trends suggest Democrats are positioned to retake control of the House, with data showing that a 13-point swing from Trump’s 2024 district performance in Tennessee’s special election could translate to Democrats gaining over 250 seats if replicated nationally.

  • The decline in Trump’s support is being driven by widespread concerns about affordability and the economy, with a majority of Americans across demographic groups expressing concern about economic conditions and skepticism that the administration is taking bold steps to address price increases.

  • Powerful institutional actors—including corporate leaders, judges, media figures, and financial institutions—are reassessing their political calculations based on the perception that Trump’s political momentum has stalled, with some choosing not to align with the president out of concern for maintaining favor with potential future power centers.

  • The deterioration in Trump’s political standing creates a self-reinforcing cycle where declining approval ratings and electoral setbacks undermine the perception of inevitability that has been central to Trump’s political influence, causing more distance from powerful actors and accelerating further decline.

Different views on the topic

  • Trump maintains substantial support among Republican voters, with 84% GOP approval rating, indicating a strong base that continues to back his overall job performance despite disagreements on specific economic or foreign policy positions[2].

  • Trump’s approval numbers, while low overall, reflect a political dynamic where the president has a “higher floor and a lower ceiling,” meaning his support is more durable within his core constituency than typical presidents, and the recent decline is concentrated primarily among independents rather than representing wholesale abandonment by Republicans[2].

  • Trump has historically demonstrated political agility and the capacity to recover from challenging polling environments, suggesting the current downturn may not necessarily be permanent or predictive of sustained weakness throughout his term[2].

  • The president maintains relatively higher approval ratings on specific policy areas including immigration and crime, suggesting that while his overall numbers have declined, he retains substantive support for key administration priorities[2].

  • Trump’s net approval rating has stabilized somewhat at -13.5, with some recent polling showing notably better numbers, though some of these improvements reflect pollster house effects rather than broad-based shifts in public opinion[1].

A cure for the common opinion

Get thought-provoking perspectives with our weekly newsletter.

By continuing, you agree to our Terms of Service and our Privacy Policy.

Advertisement