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- Democrat Xavier Becerra and Republican Steve Hilton have emerged as the candidates to beat.
- But dozens of interviews across the San Gabriel Valley, a prime battleground, find many voters still undecided. And discouraged.
Eddie Martinez can’t stand Donald Trump. So when Eric Swalwell entered the race for California governor, Martinez had his candidate.
“I liked the way he took Trump on, the impeachment thing in Congress,” Martinez said of the former Bay Area congressman, a Trump nemesis who served as one of the House prosecutors in 2021 when Democrats held the wayward president to account for the second time.
Then, suddenly, Swalwell’s campaign collapsed under the weight of allegations of abuse, including charges he sexually assaulted a former aide. With Martinez’s choice out of the running, the Democrat turned to the candidate who’d been his second pick all along, Xavier Becerra.
Martinez has been familiar with Becerra for decades, going back to when the former congressman, state attorney general and Biden Cabinet member was in the state Assembly. To his credit, said the 65-year-old retired public relations strategist, Becerra has largely kept clear of controversy and there’s never been a whiff of personal scandal — an important consideration after Swalwell’s spectacular self-destruction.
On top of all that, Martinez said as he prepared to drop his mail ballot at a post office in Alhambra, it would be nice for California to elect its first Latino governor in modern times. It’s been, Martinez observed, more than 150 years.
Far from boring, the contest is the most wide open in a generation, with a potential to make history in November. Those yawning at the contest may be looking for glitz and entertainment. Voters aren’t.
With the gubernatorial primary entering its final two weeks, a contest that had been stubbornly formless has finally gained coherence. Becerra, who’d been widely given up for dead as he foundered near the bottom of polls, has unexpectedly emerged as the Democrat to beat.
“He has the most experience,” said Ruben Avita, a 57-year-old actor who leans Democratic and is tilting toward Becerra over hedge-fund billionaire Tom Steyer. “At this point,” Avita said as he waited to catch a double feature at a cineplex in Monterey Park, “I want someone with a proven track record.”
Among the Republicans running, Trump’s pick — conservative commentator Steve Hilton — seems firmly ensconced atop the GOP field.
“He’s got a lot more common-sense approach than any of these other idiots,” said Wayne The Flame — yes, he explained, that’s his legal name —which, while not exactly a ringing endorsement, still counts as a vote.
The Claremont independent, retired at 73 after a career selling motorcycles and hot rods, described Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, the other major GOP contestant, as a racist and dismissed the entire Democratic field with a string of epithets. “Dumb—,” he said of the voters who keep putting the likes of them in power.
If not terribly enthused, at least The Flame has made up his mind. Many voters remain undecided — or, at least, not entirely wed to a candidate.
Some are holding on to their ballots longer than usual, awaiting any last-minute developments and weighing the election odds as though wagering in a high-stakes game of poker.
Like many Democrats, Bryce Dwyer’s concern is that Hilton and Bianco will seize both spots in June’s top-two primary, advancing to a November runoff and giving California its first Republican governor in 16 years.
As ballots arrive at homes throughout the state, residents have to decide when to vote, so they can respond to late-breaking events but not risk their ballot arriving too late to count.
A 40-year-old project manager at the Getty Research Institute, Dwyer held his 2-year-old daughter as his son, 6, romped on a pleasant afternoon in Sierra Madre’s Memorial Park. Across the street, the bells of Christ Church chimed the hour.
“None of the Democrats are putting forth anything that is making me excited,” said Dwyer, who’s ruled out Becerra (he doesn’t see much there) and is deciding between Steyer and former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter. He’s trying to cast his ballot strategically, the East Pasadena resident said, and “it’s the first time in a while I haven’t really had a clue who I’m going to vote for so close to election day.”
This is a deeply unsettled season in California, with precious little hope the next governor — whoever he or she turns out to be — will make things better anytime soon. That mix of discouragement and discontent surfaced repeatedly, like a dull ache, in conversations with dozens of voters across the San Gabriel Valley.
The region’s ethnic and economic diversity — from the working-class neighborhoods of Pomona through the Asian-majority suburbs to the mountainside mansions of San Dimas and Pasadena — make the valley a prime battleground in the race for governor.
Alana H., who asked not to use her last name, said she wasn’t even bothering to vote.
She ticked off some reasons: The soaring price of gas and rising cost of, essentially, everything else. The fear her college-age daughter will never be able to buy a home in California. Worse, is her loss of faith. She no longer believes in the promise, once taken for granted, that each generation will improve its lot over the last. And, Alana said, she’s not alone: “Anyone who’s an average person is in the same boat, we’re all just trying to stay afloat.” Standing in front of the post office in Alhambra, the 52-year-old paddled her arms as though to keep from sinking.
The politicians in both parties are “so out of touch,” she said, “all they’re doing is fighting over this and that, when everyone I know doesn’t care what party you’re in. They just want to put food on their table. They want their kids to have a better life.”
Shelby Moore has some of the same concerns. Forget about ever buying a home, said the 30-year-old California native, a Democratic-leaning independent. It’s no small feat scraping up money for rent. “I’ve lost almost every single friend that I went to high school or college with,” Moore said between waiting tables at a Mediterranean restaurant in Glendora. “They’ve all moved out of state.”
She’ll definitely vote, Moore said, though she doesn’t know for whom. One of the Democrats. Someone who’ll work to make California more affordable and keep people like her friends from being priced out.
In Claremont, Eric Hurley was another undecided Democrat. He attended last month’s gubernatorial debate at Pomona College, where the 56-year-old professor teaches psychological science and Africana studies. Otherwise, he’s been too busy to pay much attention to the race.
But it’s important, Hurley said, that whoever wins “keep fighting the good fight and standing by our liberal principles. I would hate to see someone in the governor’s office start capitulating to what the current administration is asking.”
Others seconded that notion, that California needs to stand as a bulwark against Trump and his excesses, such as the draconian crackdown that has terrorized the state’s large immigrant population.
But there’s not a great appetite for the sort of performative pushback that’s won the current governor a wide audience on social media and boosted Gavin Newsom’s political stock as he positions himself ahead of the 2028 presidential campaign.
Jennifer Harris, 56, is a single mom in Monrovia who oversees payroll at a food manufacturing company. She has to stretch each of her dollars to make ends meet; soon she’ll be shelling out $30,000 a year for her daughter to go to college. Buying a home, Harris said, is out of the question.
She confessed to chuckling at the governor’s memes — an over-the-top oeuvre that includes Newsom as super hero, Newsom as religious beacon, Newsom as romance-novel hunk — and his other cheeky jabs at the president. “But that’s not an adult way to handle it,” Harris said between errands in Monrovia’s quaint shopping district. “It’s not solving any problems.”
Better, she said, for the next governor — she hasn’t decided whom she’ll support — to focus on practicalities: improving the economy, making housing and healthcare more affordable, dealing with homelessness and the underlying mental health issues.
Britnee Foreman echoed that sentiment.
The 41-year-old, who lives in Azusa and works in the music business, was meeting a friend, Priscilla Vega, 43, for lunch in Monrovia. Along with a meal, the two Democrats shared their concerns about inflation and income inequality.
“Memes are great for publicity,” said Foreman, who’s deciding between Becerra and Porter, based on their policy experience. (Vega, a lifestyle marketer, has yet to narrow down her choice.)
“But I prefer policy,” Foreman went on. “I don’t want them just to be the popular person out there on social media. It’s great if they’re tweeting and have a cute little Insta-story. But I need their policies to have teeth and actively move us forward. And not just look like it’s moving forward.”
After nearly eight years, amid widespread unease, California seems ready to put the Newsom era in the past. It’s just not clear what path voters will choose, or which candidate they’ll prefer to steer the state toward, hopefully, a better place.
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Ideas expressed in the piece
The article portrays California’s 2026 governor’s race as unusually unsettled and “confounding,” with many voters either undecided or only weakly committed to a choice, even as the primary enters its final weeks. Eric Swalwell’s implosion over abuse and sexual assault allegations left some Democrats scrambling for alternatives and helped Xavier Becerra unexpectedly reemerge as the Democrat to beat, while Trump-endorsed commentator Steve Hilton has consolidated much of the Republican vote.
The piece suggests that for many voters, especially Democrats and left-leaning independents, candidate choice is being driven less by enthusiasm than by anxiety over the rules of the state’s top-two primary. Some interviewees are trying to vote strategically to avoid a scenario in which both November spots go to Republicans, even if none of the Democrats “are putting forth anything” that excites them.
Across the San Gabriel Valley, the article finds a pervasive sense of economic strain and declining faith in upward mobility. Voters cite soaring gas prices, high rents, and the impossibility of buying a home as reasons for disillusionment, with some noting that friends and family have already left the state and others questioning whether a new governor can realistically make things better.
The reporting emphasizes a broader alienation from politics itself: several voters describe politicians of both parties as “out of touch,” more focused on partisan fights and culture-war theatrics than on everyday concerns such as putting food on the table, paying for college, or securing affordable healthcare and housing.
The article also highlights a nuanced Democratic mood regarding national politics. Many interviewees want California to continue acting as a bulwark against Donald Trump and federal crackdowns on immigrants, yet express fatigue with “performative pushback” and social media showmanship. Governor Gavin Newsom’s memes and viral attacks on Trump are described as amusing but “not an adult way to handle it” and not a substitute for policy solutions.
Voters quoted in the piece consistently say they are searching for candidates with detailed, credible plans on affordability, homelessness, and mental health rather than simply a strong brand or online presence. Some are weighing Becerra, Tom Steyer, or Katie Porter largely on perceived policy experience and seriousness, while others are so disenchanted they are opting not to vote at all.
Overall, the article suggests that after nearly eight years of the Newsom era, California feels ready for change but lacks a clear sense of what alternative path to choose. The mood captured is one of discouragement and caution: residents want the next governor to be practical, policy-focused, and effective, yet many doubt that anyone in the current field can truly deliver a more affordable and secure future.
Different views on the topic
In contrast to the article’s portrait of a formless contest, recent polling portrays a race that is becoming more structured. An Emerson College survey shows Republican Steve Hilton at 17% and Chad Bianco at 14%, with Tom Steyer, Xavier Becerra, and Katie Porter clustered close behind and a defined split within each party’s electorate; in follow-up Democratic-only testing after Swalwell’s exit, Becerra emerges as a clear leader among Democrats, while Hilton and Bianco divide most Republican support.[1] The same poll finds the economy is the top issue for 41% of voters, suggesting that while many may be dissatisfied, their priorities are focused rather than vague.[1]
Nonpartisan voter guides from outlets such as CalMatters and KPBS depict the race as offering sharp policy contrasts rather than an indistinct muddle. These guides emphasize that Becerra is open to revising state climate targets to keep fuel affordable and wants to declare a state of emergency to freeze utility and insurance rates; Katie Porter backs income tax cuts for middle earners alongside higher corporate taxes and denser urban housing; Tom Steyer promotes higher property taxes on business properties and a fee on AI usage to support displaced workers; and Republicans Hilton and Bianco call for suspending environmental regulations, boosting oil and gas production, overturning the state’s sanctuary law, and slashing or eliminating income and gas taxes.[2][3] This framing suggests voters face clearly differentiated visions on taxes, climate, and regulation.
Coverage of the candidates’ debates underscores a level of political engagement and conflict that cuts against the article’s emphasis on apathy and confusion. A KTVU report on a San Francisco debate describes how six rivals “ganged up” on Becerra, attacking everything from his ethics and consultant choices to his handling of fraud in federal hospice programs, reflecting an intense, issues-laden contest in which frontrunners are scrutinized rather than ignored.[4] The same report notes that Hilton publicly disputes Becerra’s assertion of front-runner status by citing polls indicating a tight race, underscoring that the campaigns are aggressively contesting the narrative rather than drifting in ambiguity.[4]
Civil liberties groups have reacted to the 2026 race by trying to deepen, not dampen, voter engagement. ACLU California Action, for example, has circulated detailed questions pressing gubernatorial hopefuls on crime prevention, sentencing reforms, and whether to avoid reclassifying low-level offenses as felonies, signaling a belief that the governor’s office can meaningfully shape criminal justice and that the appropriate response to anger over public safety and equity is informed participation, not withdrawal from voting.[5]
Some candidate narratives also push back on the article’s suggestion that voters have little appetite for ideological confrontation. Becerra’s long record of leading California’s lawsuits against the Trump administration is highlighted in multiple guides as a central selling point, presenting combative legal resistance as a key qualification rather than a liability.[2][3] On the right, Bianco and Hilton argue for dramatic reversals of signature Democratic policies — from ending sanctuary protections to rolling back climate regulations — contending that bold, partisan realignment in Sacramento is necessary to address crime, energy prices, and housing.[2][3]
Where the article stresses a sense of stagnation and managed decline, several campaigns cast the moment as an opening for large-scale structural change. Left-leaning contenders such as Tony Thurmond back a one-time tax on billionaires’ assets to backfill Medi-Cal cuts and propose converting surplus school-district land into affordable housing, while moderates like Antonio Villaraigosa and Matt Mahan advocate a mix of expanded policing, performance-based government pay, and targeted gas-tax suspensions to reset public safety and cost-of-living pressures.[2][3] These platforms rest on an assumption that proactive state policy can significantly improve living standards, not merely soften an inevitable downturn, and offer voters more optimistic — if sharply divergent — diagnoses and cures than the pervasive resignation captured in the article.
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