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What they’ve done for cash

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Pearson and Long write for the Chicago Tribune.

If it wasn’t nailed down, it was for sale, federal officials say.

Seeking a high-level Illinois job? Make a contribution to Friends of Blagojevich.

Want a state contract? Pony up. Have your heart set on the U.S. Senate? Let’s talk.

Federal authorities say Democratic Gov. Rod R. Blagojevich put a “for sale” sign on state government. But in many ways, that sign had been there for years.

“When you look at the countless scandals that have plagued Illinois politics over the last several years . . . the one common denominator has been a drive to obtain an abundance of campaign contributions,” said Democratic state Rep. John Fritchey.

Illinois is one of the few states that places no limits on the size of campaign donations. Politicians put a premium on raising huge amounts of money from those who do business or want something from the state.

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“You go to the mailbox and, literally, 12 months out of the year you’ll find four or five fundraising invitations every day,” said a lobbyist for major corporate business interests who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak for his clients.

This year, state lawmakers passed new rules on fundraising, but there is still no cap on contributions. The legislators were motivated by Blagojevich’s voracious fundraising -- he often solicited donations from state contractors. (The new ethics reforms aim to prevent the practice known as pay-to-play politics.)

As the General Assembly prepares to convene an emergency session Monday to contemplate removing Blagojevich from office, some lawmakers are also trying to use the crisis to advance the idea that it is time to cap donations.

“It’s clear that placing a limit on campaign contributions should have a direct impact on not only cleaning up the process but lessening the workload for federal prosecutors,” said Fritchey.

Many Illinoisans recall the scandal-ridden tenure of George Ryan as secretary of state, when federal prosecutors alleged that everything from a trucker’s license to the contracts for license-plate stickers were leveraged for donations.

Ryan’s predecessor as governor, Jim Edgar, was never accused of wrongdoing, but he did find himself on the witness stand in a federal corruption case.

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At that trial, testimony showed that executives of a firm doing business with the state had a dinner meeting with the Republican governor, where he was pledged $40,000 for his campaign fund.

And before Edgar, Republican Gov. Jim Thompson brought the state into the modern era of pinstripe patronage, financing politics with contributions from contractors instead of relying on dishing out political jobs.

That was the political system Blagojevich inherited when he took office in 2003.

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