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Poland Sets Condition for Solidarity Talks; Walesa Responds Cautiously

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Times Staff Writer

Communist Party chief Wojciech Jaruzelski said Thursday that the government is ready to open discussions with Solidarity, with the single condition that the now-banned trade union agree to respect the legal, constitutional order of this country.

“Everything else is open to negotiation,” he added.

Gen. Jaruzelski, who imposed the period of martial law that drove the union underground in 1981, spoke as the architect of a hard-won proposal endorsed by the party’s Central Committee early Wednesday that could lead to the legalization of the union--the first time a Communist Bloc state has dared to approach a working agreement with an avowed opposition group.

Solidarity leader Lech Walesa, in a meeting with reporters in Gdansk, was cautious, saying that the bid by the authorities to come to terms with the union “is a lot for this party. . . . But it is too little for the social demands and expectations” of the Polish people.

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Walesa said that the union could not give up its “independence and sovereignty,” adding, “If we blow it here, other people will have to deal with the same problem again.”

Walesa broke off exploratory talks with the government in September, demanding that the government make clear its intention to legalize Solidarity before proceeding with what the government has described as “round-table” talks with a broad spectrum of Polish organizations.

The government has been hoping that its plan for discussions will shore up its crumbling base of public support for painful economic reforms.

Jaruzelski, who described the party’s action as “momentous,” made his remarks in a rare appearance before journalists, appearing noticeably confident after threatening to resign, along with his top lieutenants, in order to push his plan through in the tempestuous meeting of the Central Committee on Tuesday and Wednesday.

Conditions Discarded

The announced plan swept aside other possible conditions, including a two-year ban on strikes suggested by Premier Mieczyslaw Rakowski in exchange for Solidarity’s legalization.

The party’s official stand made a single reference to Solidarity by name, suggesting that it could be one of the new trade unions created through a policy of trade union pluralism. The position paper requires that the unions be nonviolent and contribute to “economic development”--language aimed at discouraging strikes, but stopping short of an outright ban.

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“I think you will share the view that it was a momentous event in the life of our party and at the same time it has a chance to mark a turning point in the life of our country,” Jaruzelski said.

“Our offer is honest and serious,” he said. “I count on the fact that taking it up will allow . . . a historical step in Poland’s development. That is what we all desire.”

‘Never Say Never’

Jaruzelski said he could not rule out a meeting with Walesa.

“Politicians never say never,” he said.

Asked when the round-table discussions would start, Jaruzelski answered that there were two parties to the negotiations.

“We are willing,” he said. “I cannot reply whether the other side is ripe for it and when it is willing to sit at that table.”

Some political observers here say they believe the talks could begin as early as next week.

However, the road to legalization of the union is likely to be long. The party’s position paper did not set out a time limit, although party sources have pointed to Rakowski’s suggested two-year “trial period” as likely to be the state’s starting point in negotiations.

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Solidarity’s more militant activists are concerned about giving away too much of the union’s independence in exchange for the government recognition, a worry that could result in frequent hesitations, if not complete breakdowns, in the proposed talks.

Adam Michnik, a Walesa adviser, called the party position “a step forward,” noting that “For the first time, they announced at a plenum that the legalization of Solidarity can be the subject of talks.”

However, he said, the road ahead will be “very complicated.”

From its side, the government’s hope is to pull Solidarity close enough so that it will be seen as sharing responsibility for economic reforms that have already brought about high inflation, market shortages and a huge government budget deficit, currently planned to be at least $2 billion this year.

An extended austerity plan accompanying continued reforms would require a virtual ban on strikes, which some experienced observers say are almost inevitable by the spring and summer. The government hopes that Walesa’s influence, which could be invoked only after concessions to Solidarity, will help win labor peace.

Two waves of strikes last year, in March and August, marked the most severe labor unrest in Poland since the Solidarity era of 1980 and 1981 and rocked both the Communist Party and government, leading to the resignation of Premier Zbigniew Messner in September.

Appeal to Hard-Liners

In replacing him, Rakowski initially appealed to party hard-liners by pledging that the economy could be set on the track to reform without a government accommodation with Solidarity.

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However, the rapid rise of inflation, along with the quick disappearance of goods from market shelves, has brought a general sense of rapid deterioration, forcing Rakowski and the party to reach out again to Solidarity.

Most of the union’s activists, seeing the economic and political situation of the authorities eroding, quietly predicted the government’s move.

“They are in a desperate situation,” said one union activist. “They had to do something, even at the risk of tearing the party apart.”

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