Already, Sandinistas Set Traps for Next Election

In Latin America, democratic governments are being consolidated; even Chile is preparing to celebrate a new era of freedom. Only three obstinate dictatorships remain: that of Castro, fossilized in history, that of Noriega, the self-made authoritarian, and that of Ortega, exponent of Latin Stalinism mixed with disguised Somocism.

The Nicaraguan Sandinistas, while presenting themselves wrapped in the mantle of revolutionary heroism, in fact rule through a Stalinist mass security apparatus. Like the Somozas before them, they try to preserve the appearance of respect for democracy by accepting “periodic elections” against a tamed opposition. In reality, such elections are held not to put power at stake, but rather, as in Panama, to justify the continuation of the dictatorship. The Somozas governed Nicaragua in this manner for 40 years, and the Ortegas have done the same for 10 years.

Ten years of Sandinista rule have forced 2 of every 10 Nicaraguans into exile and 3 of every 10 into unemployment, and inflation of more than 50,000% per year has reduced the economy and the solution of the country’s economic problems to an alchemist’s formula.

President Daniel Ortega’s acceptance of the Esquipulas and San Salvador peace agreements was an acknowledgement of the historical failure of the Sandinista experiment and of Nicaragua’s isolation. Confronted by the region’s aspirations for democracy, Ortega finally had to accept the necessity for a new social pact and the resolution of national conflict through national dialogue and consensus.

However, the new electoral and media laws, approved unilaterally by the Sandinista-controlled National Assembly, are another demonstration of Sandinista use of agreements as tactical retreats when faced with overwhelming pressures.

These laws disregard both the San Salvador agreements and the Nicaraguan opposition’s proposal for balanced representation in the electoral system, as well as the recommendations of the electoral commissions of Costa Rica and Venezuela.

The majority in the Electoral Council remains assigned to the Sandinistas, and approval of opposition members rests with the Assembly, where the Sandinista party holds a controlling majority. This law does not recognize the right of access by the opposition to the list of registered voters, thereby enabling a manipulation of electoral mathematics by the party that controls the process: the Sandinistas. This legislation brings to life the political axiom long practiced by Latin American dictators: “He who counts the votes wins.”

The new media law further restricts freedom of the press, despite the Sandinistas’ claims of being guided by similar legislation in democratic countries. Jail sentences and closure of the offending medium can be imposed for dissemination of information that “threatens public security and the national economy.”

Ortega’s strategy, which was evident during his recent trip to Europe, is to create the illusion of a democratic electoral process in Nicaragua, one in which opposition rights appear to be respected. Meanwhile, the Sandinistas’ total control over the system leaves the opposition at present with two grim alternatives: collaborating with the regime in fraudulent elections or challenging the persuasion of bayonets.

The opposition in Nicaragua is pluralistic, a broad alliance formed by 16 political parties, ranging from the Communists to the Conservatives and including the Resistance. It constitutes a democratic alternative to the Sandinista front. And in truly free and honest elections, it is capable of winning, with the objective of forming a government of unity and reconstruction.

Democratic elections in Nicaragua would inspire confidence in political solutions and be a measure of the success of the Central American peace plan. The brutal violence of Gen. Manuel Noriega against the opposition in Panama may be a harbinger of what could occur again in Nicaragua. Already, supporters of the opposition have been beaten by security forces, and thousands of Nicaraguans remain in detention as political prisoners. The situation in these two countries signals the broader problems that today have the region at the crossroads between democracy and peace or dictatorial polarization and armed conflict.

In Esquipulas and elsewhere, the Sandinistas made a commitment to extend the regional movement toward democracy to the people of Nicaragua. Elections are set for next February. We Nicaraguans look to the Organization of American States, the Latin democracies and the international community for action that will ensure respect for the electoral process.

Nicaraguans are willing to take the risks and bear the responsibility for democracy. We do not want others to carry out our struggle. Throughout history, Latin Americans have paid the price for U.S. failure to resolve internal debate over its own policy and for its vacillation between splendid isolation and unpredictable actions. Now we ask the international community, including the United States, to give consistent support to efforts to achieve democracy in our region.