Drawing the Line at Kosovo

In the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, created in 1918 and renamed Yugoslavia in 1929, three peoples (plus various minorities) mingled without federal borders to separate them. After World War II, when Tito, a Croat, drew borders for six confederated republics, Serbs became a significant minority in all but Slovenia. The result was a greater parity among the constituent peoples but highly problematic borders.

So long as the federation held together, the Serbs were able to live with this arrangement--not that Tito gave them much choice. As the federation came apart, however, the costs of Tito’s plan went up for them. Greatly complicating things was the still bitter memory of Croat collaboration with the Nazis and of Serb deaths in Ustashe (Croat collaborationist) death camps.

Tout comprendre, c’est tout pardonner goes the French proverb: To understand all is to forgive all. But in this case, not quite. In a community of neighboring South Slav states, the largest, Serbia, could well have remained dominant in part precisely because of Serb minorities in the others. Instead, Serbia has waged war to claim not just all areas with substantial Serb minorities but also Kosovo, a historically Serb area where Serbs are now a small minority. It is this decision that makes the newest Balkan war so fateful. If, in this way, Britain, France, Germany, Poland, Sweden, Lithuania and Russia were to define their borders by their maximum past territorial extension, all Europe would erupt in war.

Serb atrocities like the widespread terror-rape of non-Serb women in conquered territory deserve the horrified world attention they have received. But more deeply disturbing, in a way, is the madness of the months-old Serb assault on Albanian education in Kosovo. Preparing for military action against this 90% Albanian province, Serbia has fired all the Albanian teachers in all the schools, elementary through university, and replaced them with Serbs. This is the culture of fascism, and this is what simply must be stopped.

We urge a prompt British and French response to President Bush’s proposal for a joint civilian monitoring team in Kosovo. “Post-war” Europe, we say; but is Europe post-war? The answer may be given in Kosovo.