ISRAEL : Terrorism Losing Its Grip on the Emotions

As he drove by the Elite chocolate factory, a few miles from central Tel Aviv, Moshe Ilan was irritated by the dozens of demonstrators who had gathered around the site where a Palestinian suicide bomber had destroyed his bus hours earlier, killing six Israelis and injuring three dozen. A psychologist had advised the 55-year-old bus driver to return to the wheel and daily route of the No. 20 bus to overcome the trauma of the explosion. “Look at them,” he snapped as his bus passed the demonstrators, who were excitedly waving banners and shouting anti-government slogans to attract the attention of TV cameras. “What we need are not demonstrations but peace, which will put an end to the bloodshed.”

In a way, the contrast between the self-restrained Ilan and the overzealous demonstrators symbolizes the profound social, cultural, psychological and political changes that have swept the country since Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization signed the Declaration ofPrinciples in September, 1993.

Not that long ago, when Palestinian fundamentalists detonated bombs in Israel’s urban centers, emotions raced high. Organizers from the right-wing Likud and other opposition parties mobilized thousands of protesters. Racists remarks were directed at the terrorists; shouts of “Death to the Arabs!” filled the streets. Even as rescue crews struggled to help the injured, right-wing politicians led by the Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu would not hesitate to demagogue the crowd. The Labor government was responsible for the attack, they would exclaim, because of “its soft policy on terrorists.”

This time, few politicians appeared at the scene of the bus bombing. The small turnout of protesters suggested that the appeal of blood rhetoric is diminishing. Just as Ilan went back to work, so did the rest of Israel. Indeed, Israelis seem more concerned about airline and hotel reservations for their summer vacations in Europe and North America than with the threat of terrorism. For Arie Stav, a right-wing poet, such are the “signs of society in decay, which [has] lost its desire to live and defend itself.”

For many others, however, Israel’s speedy return to normalcy in the wake of the latest terror in its streets signifies a strong desire among Israelis to live full lives despite periodic bursts of terrorism. The reasons are manifold.

Israel is now much less ideological and political than it was a decade ago. In fact, most of the old political, social and cultural definitions have lost their relevance. As such, the nation is caught in something of an identity crisis.

Israel, of course, will always be a society founded on ideas of pioneering, volunteerism, mutual help and a preference for the collective over the individual, its people eager to rally to the national cause. But today, collectivism has been largely replaced by individualism, volunteerism has given way to consumerism and to a strong ambition to attain well-being. Admiration for yesterday’s national icons--the army, the security services and the kibbutz--has ebbed.

In such changing circumstances, the 150,000 Jewish settlers on the occupied West Bank and Golan Heights find themselves more isolated than ever. Once a strong political and social force--an elite avant garde carrying forward the old Zionist values--the settlers are now regarded by most Israelis as marginal and a nuisance. As a consequence, the settlers’ ability to determine the Israeli national agenda, influence politics and lobby for their causes against Palestinians and in favor of land confiscation has dramatically weakened. Most Israelis care more about health, education and leisure than about messianic missions inspired by biblical injunctions. As the crucial stages of the Israeli-Palestinian talks approach and as the prospect of an Israeli-Syrian agreement rises on the horizon, the settlers grow more and more nervous.

Although it would be a mistake to write off the settlers as a source of embarrassment for the government or as a drag on its achievements, they are weak as never before and are perceived by most Israelis as forces of the past.

The “new forces” in today’s Israel, whether in politics, the business community or other walks of life, are relatively young and pragmatic. In fact, a revolution in Israel’s political environment has quietly unfolded during the past two months.

As columnist Yoel Marckus notes, the Israeli political culture was and, to a certain degree, still is geriatric. Rabin and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres are more than 70 years old. With the exception of Netanyahu, most of the leading Likud figures are equally senior.

But more and more young and fresh blood is entering the body politic. Two weeks ago, Gen. Ehud Barak, a former chief of staff, joined the Labor Party and the Cabinet as a minister for the interior. The 53-year-old Barak is considered a potential heir to Rabin. Even younger, in their late 40s, are the mayors of Tel Aviv (Roni Milo), Jerusalem (Ehud Olmert) and Haifa (Amram Mitzna), and the secretary general of Histadrut, the trade union federation (Haim Ramon). The new chief of the supreme court is Aharon Barak, 59, who replaces the 70-year-old Meir Shamgar.

Relative youthfulness is not the only shared characteristic of the fresh faces. While Aharon Barak, a student and admirer of the U.S. legal system, has gained his reputation as a liberal judge, a champion of human and constitutional rights, the remaining figures are known for their lack of ideological convictions.

Another important manifestation of this non-ideological trend in politics can be seen in the decision of David Levy, a former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, to leave Likud. Two months ago, Levy announced he would form a new movement of his own that would concentrate on the need for social justice and caring for the poor. Levy’s departure was also spurred by his displeasure with Likud’s radical opposition to the peace process. But whatever his motivation, Levy realizes that Israel is refocusing itself and that if he is to remain politically viable, he must anticipate its direction.

True, security concerns and vulnerability to terrorist threats are permanent elements in Israeli life. But the desire to be a “normal” nation is fast supplanting the old anxieties.