Fujimori Foe Likely Pick to Lead Peru

President Alberto Fujimori formally resigned Peru’s presidency in a letter sent from Japan on Monday, spreading anger and disbelief in his wake and paving the way for the opposition-led Congress to appoint his successor.

On an emotional day filled with the echoes of a political strongman’s precipitous fall, acting President Ricardo Marquez followed Fujimori’s lead and stepped down as well. The resignation of Marquez, who had been the second vice president and became acting president Sunday after Fujimori’s intentions became clear, made it likely that the president of the Congress will take the reins as stipulated by the constitution.

Congress President Valentin Paniagua is the choice of the anti-Fujimori forces to lead the government during a difficult transition period leading up to elections in April.

If Paniagua is installed as president, the transition will have taken a giant step forward: The former opposition will suddenly control the government after a decade shaped by Fujimori’s increasingly authoritarian regime.

Fujimori made his resignation formal Monday with a letter from Tokyo, where he said he has taken refuge for the indefinite future. Fujimori said he made his drastic decision because of continuing upheaval resulting from his decision in September to call early elections next year.

“I have asked myself, therefore, about the convenience to the country of my presence and participation in this transition process,” Fujimori said in the letter to Paniagua. “I have come to the conclusion that I must formally resign the presidency of the republic in order to open a phase of definitive political expansion that permits an orderly transition and, no less importantly, preserves the solidity of our economy.”

Fujimori also used the letter to recite his achievements and criticize his foes as the forces of “negativism, demagoguery and chauvinism.”

In separate written responses to questions from a Spanish news agency, Fujimori confirmed what Cabinet ministers said he has told them privately: that he does not intend to return to Peru for the moment. And he denied allegations that he has ill-gotten millions stashed in Asian bank accounts. Those accusations surfaced after the recent discovery of at least $58 million in overseas accounts held by his fugitive former spy chief, Vladimiro Montesinos.

Nonetheless, the disgust with Fujimori is so pronounced that opposition legislators proposed a motion Monday to impeach him despite his resignation. A formal ouster would bar Fujimori, who hinted even after his resignation that he might run for Congress, from holding political office for the next 10 years. Congress will probably consider that motion along with the appointment of a president today.

Fujimori’s long-distance resignation whipped up anger here against a leader whose appeal had rested largely on his image of unflinching, samurai-like tenacity. Friends and foes alike condemned him. The aloofness and abruptness of his actions reportedly stunned even members of his family and U.S. diplomats who had said he saw an orderly transition as a question of personal honor.

The respected El Comercio newspaper ripped Fujimori for bowing out “by telephone, like someone leaving a message. Without showing his face as was his duty; fleeing, as if he were scared.”

There was also a flurry of defections from his political alliance.

“This attitude by the president does not dignify the expectations of the Peruvian people,” said Congressman Miguel Velit, a former ally. “This causes us a bitter sentiment that we cannot accept.”

Marquez, meanwhile, said he stepped aside at the request of opposition leaders who saw him as part of a discredited regime.

“I have acted for the good of Peru,” Marquez said. “If my resignation brings stability to the nation, that’s great.”

Marquez was technically second in line for the presidency. The first vice president, Francisco Tudela, submitted his resignation last month. But complicating a wild political scenario was speculation that Tudela might withdraw that resignation and assert that he is next in line to succeed Fujimori.

Tudela made no public comment. Paniagua, 63, appears to have more votes in the legislature. A former justice minister from a small center-right party, he is respected as an honest, thoughtful figure at a moment in which serenity appears to be sorely needed.

In contrast, Fujimori and his vice presidents took power this year “through a fraudulent election” in May, said presidential hopeful Alejandro Toledo, a leader of the opposition. “Consequently, they are morally unable to preside over any period of transition.”

As Peru came to grips with Fujimori’s unsettling abandonment of power, a high-level U.S. delegation spent the day in Lima expressing support for the democracy. The very presence of the delegation, headed by Washington’s top policymakers on Latin America, was intended to send a reassuring message.

Commenting on the turmoil here and in other Andean nations, the diplomats emphasized that Peru has remained largely peaceful and steered a course within a legal framework.

“What is important is that these nations have remained within constitutional parameters,” said Peter Romero, the assistant secretary of State for Western Hemisphere affairs. “We have confidence in the Peruvian people.”

The U.S. delegation also withstood pointed questioning from the Peruvian media about Montesinos, who detonated the crisis. Peruvians blame the U.S. for propping up the spy chief during the 1990s despite longtime allegations involving the offenses for which he is now being investigated: ties to drug trafficking, gun-running and general corruption.

Montesinos had a close relationship with the CIA for years, according to former and current U.S. and Peruvian government officials. Moreover, former U.S. Embassy officials say top U.S. diplomats and law enforcement officials frequently enlisted the all-powerful spy chief to resolve problems related to the Peruvian justice system and interagency turf battles.

In response to questions, Romero said the U.S. tried to limit its ties with Montesinos to anti-drug cooperation.

“Our relationship with him has been public for years,” Romero said. “It was above all related to the war on drugs. We distanced ourselves from other matters.”

As for the fruitless monthlong hunt for Montesinos, Romero said the U.S. government is willing to assist in an international investigation if it receives such a request from Peru. He also indicated U.S. interest in getting to the bottom of a scandal that played a big role in Montesinos’ political demise: allegations that the spy chief was involved in the smuggling of 10,000 AK-47 rifles to Colombian narco-guerrillas on flights that originated in Jordan.

“There are plenty of leads in Jordan, in Colombia and, of course, in Peru,” Romero said.