Fujimori to Call Peru Elections; He Will Not Run

In a stunning capitulation after months of political crisis, Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori announced Saturday night that he will convene new presidential elections and will not be a candidate.

Fujimori made the announcement without warning about 9:15 p.m. in a televised speech to the nation. He indicated that the decision was motivated by a fast-growing scandal involving the alleged bribery of congressmen by his powerful intelligence service--the latest crisis since he won an unprecedented third term in a much-criticized election in May.

“After deep reflection, I have decided, first, to deactivate the national intelligence system, and, second, to call general elections as soon as possible,” Fujimori said. “In these general elections, it goes without saying, I will not participate. . . . I am sure the people will be able, with prudence, to choose the best destiny.”

In the 10-minute address, Fujimori did not specify when the elections would take place. He recounted his achievements--the defeat of terrorist groups and free-market reforms--and admitted to having made mistakes.

Despite the seriousness of the corruption scandal that erupted Thursday night, the announcement by the notoriously tough and independent-minded leader shocked Peruvians and foreign observers alike. In his 10 years in office, Fujimori has been a regional paradigm of an authoritarian but an effective populist who governs in tandem with the security forces. Seemingly determined to cling to power, he agreed last month to negotiate democratic reforms with the political opposition but repeatedly ruled out new elections.

His dramatic about-face Saturday prompted rumors that the dissatisfied sectors in the military had forced him to relent. But there were no unusual troop movements or other signs that the president, who reportedly was in his palace as usual, was not in charge. As the news spread Saturday night, hundreds of students, activists and politicians gathered in the plaza outside the presidential palace to celebrate.

It appeared that Fujimori had finally given in to sustained pressure at home and abroad. But his bombshell, delivered in characteristic fashion as a maximum-impact surprise, caused political leaders to caution that the transition would be delicate.

“This is impressive,” said Javier Valle Riestra, who had served as Fujimori’s prime minister but later became a critic of the president. “In order for this to be a real resignation and not a trick, there has to be a democratization. . . . And there has to be flexibility on the part of the more recalcitrant political opposition.”

The courts and electoral agency must be reformed as a prerequisite to new elections, Valle Riestra said. And after the turmoil of this year’s electoral process, said opposition leader Carlos Ferrero, who ran for vice president, it could take as long as a year to prepare the nation for a clean and peaceful vote.

Fujimori, 62, had been under fire for the past two years. Critics said he had become increasingly authoritarian and reliant on the National Intelligence Service, which is known by its Spanish initials, SIN. His reclusive intelligence advisor, Vladimiro Montesinos, was seen as the architect of a systematic effort to control the legislature, courts, election process, media and other institutions vital to democracy. Fujimori’s third bid for office was attacked as unconstitutional.

And foreign governments spoke out in April when Fujimori’s opponents accused him of foul play during the vote count of the first round of the presidential election. The aggressive international pressure combined with massive street demonstrations apparently caused the government to concede that the president had been forced into a second round.

Challenger Alejandro Toledo withdrew from the second round, however, because of an impasse with the government over safeguards against fraud. Amid continuing widespread protests and turmoil, the United States, European and Latin American governments condemned the one-man election and took steps to isolate the regime. U.S. officials questioned whether Peru was still a democracy.

Nonetheless, Fujimori appeared to have survived the storm and looked confident about his ability to make a comeback. He had overcome tough challenges in the past, including vicious leftist guerrillas and international outrage over the “self-coup” in 1992 that consolidated his ruling partnership with Montesinos and the military. And he was bolstered by the image of Peru as an island of comparative stability compared with neighboring nations racked by violence and economic breakdown.

It was Montesinos, the mysterious figure accused of incarnating the government’s repressive ways, who triggered the apparently decisive crisis last week. Leaders of the political opposition unveiled a videotape that showed Montesinos apparently bribing a congressman to defect from the opposition to the Fujimori camp. They said they had more such tapes and demanded the ouster of Montesinos and the president.