Ulster, on the Edge Again

It still isn’t often that Catholics and Protestants in Ulster agree on politics. As the renewed political crisis in the region deepens, however, moderates are linking arms on three key issues. First and foremost, that the Irish Republican Army must begin putting its arms beyond reach right now. Second, the British government must accelerate efforts to make the police force accountable and impartial and to recruit more Catholics on the forces, which are still heavily Protestant and mistrusted by Catholics. Third, it must renew its commitment to reducing its military presence in Ulster.

The pressure, however, is on the IRA and its political arm, Sinn Fein. As Seamus Mallon, Catholic leader and deputy first minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly, pointed out, the IRA and Sinn Fein cannot claim to believe in the political process while keeping illegal weapons hidden.

Mallon is far from being the only leader urging Sinn Fein and its associates to live up to their long-delayed commitment to put their weapons “beyond use.” Nobel laureate John Hume, Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern, his British counterpart Tony Blair and dozens of editorials in newspapers throughout Europe and the United States have called on the IRA/Sinn Fein leaders to honor their commitment.

The 1998 Good Friday agreement leaves no doubt: “All participants accordingly reaffirm their commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations.” The disarmament process was meant to be completed by June 2001. To date, no paramilitary group in Ulster has handed over one weapon.

The recent resignation of David Trimble as first minister of the Assembly and the proximity of the Protestants’ so-called “Marching Season,” celebrating military victories long past but still deeply resented by Catholics, are ominous signs.

Under the rules of the power-sharing government, the British and Irish governments have six weeks to solve the crisis. If their efforts fail, Britain could suspend the Ulster government or call for new elections. Both options would set back the peace process. Suspension would undermine the credibility of the agreement. New elections might polarize attitudes further.

To avoid either, the British and Irish governments must work harder for a climate of trust, with swift progress on the police force and demilitarization. Sinn Fein must respond with the same speed, disarming to keep the peace process alive. This is what unarmed citizens, both Protestant and Catholic, so clearly desire.