Iranian Hard-Liners Shut Two Newspapers

TEHRAN — Reformists warned Thursday of a broad crackdown on media and social freedoms here after authorities closed two liberal newspapers on the eve of parliamentary elections expected to be dominated by conservatives.

“The pessimistic view is that when they get into power, they will ban everything and they will have a very hard fundamentalist line and will close newspapers, other parties” and nongovernmental organizations, said Ali Mazrooei, one of more than 120 Iranian reformist parliament members who resigned to protest the disqualification of many of them from today’s elections.

Some conservative figures were also critical of the newspaper closures. “It’s a very bad signal,” said Amir Mohebian, political editor of Resalat newspaper and a prominent moderate conservative. “This is committing suicide for us. Many people think that even before they [conservatives] come to the parliament, they’ve started to do the things they’ll do when they get there.”

Iran was plunged into a political crisis several weeks ago when a council of 12 conservative clerics and jurists disqualified more than 3,600 candidates, many of them reformists. After protests from reformists, the council reinstated about 1,200 of the candidates, but 80 incumbent reformist parliament members were not among them. More than 120 reformist lawmakers resigned in protest, and the main reformist party is boycotting the elections.

About 200 candidates from pro-reform parties are among 5,000 contenders vying for 290 seats.

Reformers accuse the conservatives who control the main levers of power of unraveling the country’s attempts to move toward democracy.

The mood among Tehran’s young adults Thursday was one of frustration with politicians. In a trendy district of northern Tehran, well-dressed young people crowded into noisy coffee shops. Many said they did not plan to vote today.

On state radio, to patriotic music, announcers exhorted voters to participate in today’s elections, calling for unity. Several senior ayatollahs were quoted on radio as saying it was a religious duty to vote, with one calling on people to “disappoint the enemies of Islam.”

The calls reflected fears that a low turnout would raise questions about the parliament’s legitimacy and give reformers a chance to argue that the result reflected the will of a small minority.

Iran’s conservative forces are already speaking of victory in presidential elections in 2006. They are certain of victory in today’s polling and confident that people are too disillusioned to take to the streets to support the reformists.

Iran’s political process has for years been deadlocked between reformers and conservatives, stymieing liberal freedoms that many Iranians want.

Many Iranians question whether moderates can contain their hard-line colleagues, who are eager to crush reform efforts.

The political power struggle reflects the dichotomy in Iran’s Constitution passed after the 1979 Islamic Revolution led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The nation has an elected president and elected parliament, but final power is vested in the country’s top religious figure, the supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is appointed for life. He chooses half of the Guardian Council, which has the final say on legislation and has disqualified the candidates from running.

Some reformers have recently called for limits on the supreme leader’s powers. Before they were shut down, the two newspapers Wednesday published a critical letter to Khamenei from reformist parliament members.

Voter turnout remains key in today’s elections. If the conservatives gain a big victory -- particularly with a good turnout -- some fear that the hard-liners, boosted and confident, will launch a tough crackdown on freedoms.

“One of the issues we have to deal with is how to control our own radicals,” Mohebian said.

“Something psychological could happen with some of the radicals. They might think they can do whatever they want. We won’t allow them to. We will try to control them,” he said, explaining that pragmatic conservatives realized that it was impossible to return to the strict Islamic restrictions that existed before reformist President Mohammad Khatami came to power seven years ago.

Also unclear is what role the reformists will play outside the parliament and whether a popular movement will emerge to confront the conservative authorities.

Asked about protests, Mohebian said, “Nothing important will happen.”

“Most of the people are not ready to take a very serious and strong stance against the conservatives,” said Mazrooei, the reformist lawmaker. “People want to live. They don’t want to fight. In Iran right now, people want a tranquil life and a secure life.”

Iran’s reformers are aware of popular anger against them for failing to confront the conservatives and deliver speedier change.

But Iran’s moderate conservatives are also aware that without the reformers to blame, popular anger could grow and eventually turn on them -- particularly if hard-liners try to reverse social freedoms won in recent years.

Because of reforms, young men and women are able to walk hand in hand.

Many young women have abandoned the billowing Islamic garb of their mothers for tighter, sleeker and more fashion-conscious dress.

Mohebian said the conservative parliament would concentrate on the economy and job creation rather than curtailing social freedoms or interfering in people’s private lives.

Conservatives are aware of Iran’s demographics, he said. The majority of Iranians are younger than 30 and chafing for more freedom. Trying to squelch their aspirations could backfire.

“A radical stance always brings backlashes, and we are against it,” Mohebian said.