Succession Quiets Royals’ Rivalries

For the first time in a decade, the desert kingdom of Saudi Arabia -- with its vast pools of oil, its status as the cradle of Islam and its violent clashes over faith and power -- fell under the control of a strong king with centralized powers.

The death of King Fahd on Monday has freed Saudi Arabia from the limbo of an ailing ruler and muted the power struggles among the princes that began a decade ago when the king grew too ill to rule.

Now all eyes are on King Abdullah, the longtime de facto ruler who smoothly took the throne as Fahd’s death was announced. He has cultivated a reputation as a reformist, a man whose progressive ideas often crashed into the more traditional elements in the ruling House of Saud. But despite his image, there is no clear notion of how he will rule.

Abdullah has inherited a deeply troubled empire. The government is coping with intense pressure from Islamist extremism as well as a growing movement for democratic change.

The new monarch has angered members of the royal family by pushing modest political reforms and slashing some of the subsidies paid to the thousands of Saudi princes and princesses. But his ascension to the throne will probably put an end to the battles for eminence. Whatever their private grudges, family members are conditioned to set aside their differences and fall in line behind the king, analysts said.

“The royal family isn’t just a family, it’s a political institution. It’s the only institution in the country, and it’s not new,” Saudi author Turki Hamad said. “I don’t think they’ll jeopardize the political system just because they have differences. We shouldn’t look at these members as just members, but as part of the institution.”

People here are skeptical about how much Abdullah will change the status quo and even what reform means in a land that is so firmly entrenched in strict interpretations of the Koran, the holy book of Islam, and the absolute power of monarchs and clerics. “We are really talking about a ruling institution that’s developed a certain style over the century and decades,” said Ihsan Ali Bu-Hulaiga, a member of the appointed council that advises the royal family. “I can’t see big changes, really.”

But others argue that the fight for Saudi Arabia’s soul has only been deferred with the ascension of the aging Abdullah, not avoided. Both Abdullah and the newly named Crown Prince Sultan are about 80, so the current leadership appears to be a phase rather than an enduring regime. The question of which princes will be appointed to what posts -- and who will emerge as ascendant to the throne -- remains unsettled.

“On the surface it’s pretty stable, but just beneath and for quite a depth there’s a lot of turmoil,” said a Saudi source close to the royal family. “It’s still not really clear where this government is going long-term.”

For decades, Saudi Arabia has appeared to both citizens and outsiders as a maze of contradictions. Hypermodern infrastructure is superimposed on an ancient, tribal way of life; the petrodollar decadence of Versace and Mercedes is intertwined with rigid Sunni Islam; opulence and poverty rub shoulders.

The new king will inherit the struggle that defined Fahd’s reign: balancing progress against tradition. The Saudi government has maintained tight ties with America even though the relationship enrages homegrown militants, notably Osama bin Laden. The government also has struggled to mute extremist teachings without alienating the clerics or undermining the strict Wahhabism that is a pillar of the House of Saud.

There is the balancing act, too, of luring Westerners into the kingdom to staff the oil and gas companies without compromising what many Saudis see as a delicate -- and threatened -- Islamic identity.

The recent battles with insurgents go to the heart of Saudi Arabia’s struggle to combine the Western trappings of modernity with the conservative values extolled in the historic birthplace of Islam.

The most extreme fundamentalists in Saudi Arabia view the royal family as corrupt, greedy and far too friendly with the West. Bands of Islamists have launched a sporadic uprising meant to topple the regime and drive out the foreigners who are still the kingdom’s economic lifeblood. With suicide bombings, kidnappings and hostage-takings, they’ve cut a grisly swath across the kingdom, frightening away some foreigners and rattling the royal family.

Although Saudi security forces have arrested and killed many insurgents, Saudi radicalism is deeply entrenched.

Meanwhile, intellectuals, leftists and women have begun to demand political reform and a crackdown on corruption. The response from the Saudi government has been muddy.

This year, the kingdom held limited, men-only balloting to elect some members of local councils. It was the first election since the country was formed and was greeted by some as evidence of the royal family’s openness to change. But three intellectuals were jailed after pushing political reforms.

Relations with the United States remain one of the stickiest points for any Saudi ruler.

The Sept. 11 attacks uncovered a well of mistrust and quiet animosity between the longtime allies, and the damage has not been entirely undone. Fifteen of the 19 terrorists on the hijacked U.S. planes were Saudis.

Earlier in his career, Abdullah had hinted that he would hollow out more distance between Saudi Arabia and the United States. But most analysts think he has mellowed and grown more pragmatic in his approach to the U.S. in recent years.

Faced with attacks at home, Saudi intelligence has recently worked closely with its American counterparts.

Bush administration officials have generally had good relations with the new Saudi king, and the president in particular is said to get along well with him. Their comfortable chemistry was on display this year when Abdullah met with Bush near Crawford, Texas.

At the same time, it is no secret that there has been tension over U.S. demands for more potent reforms. Some U.S. officials have acknowledged that Abdullah is far from sharing their views.

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Times staff writer Paul Richter in Washington contributed to this report.