Rhetoric of Reform Discomfits the Mideast

As a senior policymaker in Iraq’s foreign ministry, Lebeed Abbawi has a tough job building good relations with suspicious and uneasy neighbors.

President Bush’s rhetoric doesn’t make it any easier.

In fact, Bush’s frequent message that Iraq’s democratic experiment is a model for spreading freedom throughout the Middle East is a sound bite that makes Abbawi cringe.

“This is what scares them,” Abbawi said, referring to growing fears among Iraq’s neighbors that the U.S.-backed government is out to subvert the authoritarian regimes around it. “It’s been a problem we’ve faced from the start. The truth is, we don’t want to export our model to anybody.”

Abbawi’s problem is part of a larger dilemma, both for the Iraqis struggling to build a new democratic state and for the United States, which has invested so much to make it happen: The more Washington promotes Iraq’s transformation as a key step in a political overhaul of the entire region, the more it undercuts the fledgling government the administration so wants to help.

Moreover, the three examples the administration cites for holding democratic elections across the Middle East and on its fringes are the Palestinian territories, Afghanistan and Iraq -- all violent areas whose security depends on thousands of outside troops.

Arab reformers fret about a danger that extends beyond Iraq -- that the very word “democracy” could become tarnished if seen as a euphemism for meddling by Americans or others whose backgrounds, values or religious beliefs clash with those of the region.

Hamid Shehab, head of international studies at Baghdad University’s College of Political Science, said he believed Iraq would reject both religious extremism and theocratic government and thus could become a useful model for democracy in the region. But he said comments by leading American figures would probably diminish the chances of that occurring.

“Those in power in the region are suspicious,” he said.

Bush’s State of the Union speech was carefully worded to prod friendly Middle Eastern regimes to democratize. The president said “hopeful reform” was occurring “from Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain.”

But such praise from the United States can be a liability, both for government leaders and for those not in power who are pushing for change.

“If you say that to the Qataris or Bahrainis or the Moroccans or the Jordanians, they all feel the same way,” said Loren W. Craner, president of the International Republican Institute, which promotes democracy building abroad. “They have great pride in the progress they’re making, but it’s like being the good kid in class. You don’t want to raise your head too high in the Middle East ... because things happen to the smart kid in class.”

For nongovernment reformers pressing for change in the most authoritarian countries, having their goals endorsed by an American leader merely casts suspicion on their motives.

The U.S. ambassador to Iraq, John D. Negroponte, has kept a low profile in Baghdad in order to avoid the impression he was pulling the strings of the government there, analysts said.

But those same analysts stressed that the United States would have to be even more careful not to ruin the reputation of the newly elected Iraqi government by heaping praise on it.

“We have the potential, by being too enthusiastic about the new government, to make it less credible,” warned Bathsheba Crocker, a Middle East specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

“We have to be very cautious not to insert ourselves too much into this government or into the ensuing political process, because if we do, we run the risk of decreasing the legitimacy of the government,” Crocker said.

Abbawi, speaking in a recent interview at his office just outside Baghdad’s heavily fortified zone, agreed: “Some statements coming from the top ranks in the United States haven’t helped us at all. And they still don’t.”

State Department officials say they are aware of the problem and are crafting their diplomacy with a special emphasis on tact.

“We know, we know, we know,” said one senior official when the subject was raised last week.

Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa was the latest in a series of Arab voices to reject the White House contention that last weekend’s national election in Iraq was an example for other Middle East states.

The vote was not a showcase for others to copy, Moussa said in an interview with National Public Radio. “It is a step that has to be taken to redress the situation and restore the balance in Iraq.”

For Iraqi diplomats, repairing their country’s frayed relations with its neighbors is no easy task, even without the perceived liability of U.S. cheerleading. Saddam Hussein’s armies invaded Kuwait and Iran, and ties with Turkey are made problematic by the overlapping population of ethnic Kurds, many of whom would like to create their own state.

Relations with Saudi Arabia and Syria are also cool.

Senior American officials note that one factor driving the administration’s push to revive relations with its traditional Western European allies is the need for their expertise in creating the building blocks for a democracy, such as a functioning national assembly and state educational and legal systems.

In some instances, European officials have offered to do the diplomatic heavy lifting for the United States, telling their U.S. counterparts that they have more credibility in the Middle East. Iraqi officials stress that regional diplomatic initiatives involving their country require broad international participation, preferably led by Arab countries.

And although Americans have served in recent years as U.N. special envoys for nascent states including Afghanistan, Bosnia, Somalia and Haiti, many Iraqis say they would prefer diplomats from another nation.

“If the United States can get other countries involved, it will be much better for us and for the United States,” Abbawi said.

He said Iraq preferred that regional initiatives emanated either from a group of Arab League countries or a forum such as the 21-nation “Friends of Iraq” summit held in Egypt recently that included the U.S. and nations in the region.

James Dobbins, a former U.S. ambassador who served as Bush’s first special envoy to post-Taliban Afghanistan, said the problem could be complicated by an Iraqi government that is too dependent on the United States.

Iraq would need to rely on American aid, especially U.S. security, for some time before its forces were fully trained, Dobbins said. Yet there would be pressure on the new government to reach an agreement with the U.S. on a timetable for withdrawing its forces -- at least from areas where their presence has been the greatest irritant, he said.

One challenge for the administration was helping the Iraqi government gain independence in a way that wouldn’t make the Iraqis feel they must press for U.S. withdrawal before their own troops were ready, Dobbins said.

“The emphasis on Iraq as a beacon for the region and the emphasis on democracy and stabilization as the centerpiece of our regional engagement have become counterproductive,” he said.

Though democracy and stabilization appeal to people across the Middle East, “the problem is that we’ve given both of these themes their trial runs in occupied Palestine and occupied Iraq,” he said. “So their appeal has been diminished by reason of their association with preemption and occupation.”

Craner, of the democracy-building institute, said the administration need not shun the rhetoric of democracy, but should be tactful by citing positive examples in the Middle East.

“You don’t have to look at the Library of Congress to understand how to run a legislative library,” Craner said, noting that the Palestinians and Egyptians have excellent facilities that are less elaborate.

Similarly, when asked to supply sample constitutions to help nations drafting their first charters, Craner’s institute might first supply constitutions from other Muslim countries as a guide.

“What people want is not to be told, ‘Here’s how we do it in America so here’s how to do it, little brother,’ ” Craner said. “They want to be told, “Here’s 28 countries in the last 10 years ... who have gone through what you’re going through, and here’s how their constitutions turned out.”

Staff writer Marshall was recently in Baghdad, where he did reporting for this story. Efron reported from Washington.