Advertisement

THE LANDMARK IMMIGRATION MEASURE : THE KEY CONGRESSIONAL ARCHITECTS OF IMMIGRATION REFORM

Share

Rep. Charles E. Schumer, 35, (D-N.Y.), in his third House term, proved to be the central--and most unlikely--character in the passage of the immigration bill. The fate of farm workers is hardly a burning issue in Schumer’s heavily Jewish and Italian Brooklyn district, but he became fascinated with immigration while serving on a 1984 legislative conference committee on the issue and recognized that taking a leading role could boost his standing among his colleagues. Schumer crafted key compromises that nearly brought an agreement in 1984, and this session was instrumental in mediating the breakthrough that provided penalties for employers who knowingly hire illegal aliens but also offered amnesty for many undocumented workers.

Rep. Howard L. Berman, 45, (D-Panorama City), best known for his wheeler-dealer image as a legislator in the California Assembly, has been more low-key in his two terms in Congress, but nothing has fired his liberal instincts more than the immigration issue. A passionate defender of farm worker interests, Berman vigorously fought Panetta’s guest worker program two years ago, claiming it would undo years of efforts to end exploitation by growers. This session, he blocked the measure and successfully made supporters search for options more favorable to farm workers.

Rep. Leon E. Panetta, 48, (D--Monterey), has earned a reputation as one of Congress’ most respected conciliators during his five terms in Washington. Representing a district that encompasses the lettuce and nut growing region around the Salinas Valley, he championed a proposal in the Senate bill that would allow growers to import tens of thousands of foreign “guest workers” to pick crops. But, facing vigorous opposition from labor and Latino interests, he negotiated in secret for months with Schumer, Berman and others to instead provide specially accelerated legal residency for aliens in farm jobs, thereby protecting growers’ work forces.

Advertisement

Rep. Daniel E. Lungren, 40, (R-Long Beach), known as an aggressive and effective conservative, pressed for a compromise when an impasse had apparently doomed the immigration reform package this year. Complaints at town hall meetings had convinced the four-term congressmen early in his career that the influx of illegal immigration was a major concern of constituents in his affluent district. As the ranking GOP member on the Judiciary Committee’s immigration subcommittee, Lungren fought for the guest worker program, but helped work out the farm worker amnesty alternative and joined with one-time Democratic adversaries in twisting enough arms to push it through to passage.

Sen. Alan K. Simpson, 55, (R-Wyo.) the droll, lanky Senate GOP Whip, has long been the guardian angel of immigration reform. As head of the Senate Judiciary Committee’s immigration subcommittee, Simpson has guided legislation overhauling immigration laws through the Senate during the last two Congresses, only to see them die, and was the chief sponsor of the Senate version of this year’s bill. In the end, Simpson’s greatest contribution was his persistence, prodding lawmakers into action despite the lack of any strong constituency demanding the changes or the prospect of any significant political gain.

Sen. Pete Wilson, 53, (R-Calif.), the former mayor of San Diego, was outspoken in representing the concerns of California and Western growers, who maintained that their businesses would be decimated if they could no longer hire illegal aliens. The grower clout symbolized by Wilson in the Senate ran head-on into the labor causes championed by Berman and others in the House and set the stage for the protracted negotiations that produced the compromise.

Rep. Romano L. Mazzoli, 53, (D-Ky.), has long stood with Simpson in the forefront of the immigration reform movement. In previous years, the two forged the major compromises on the thorny questions of alien legalization (opposed by conservatives) and employer sanctions (opposed by civil liberties and Latino groups) that brought bills to the brink of passage. Though he was a co-sponsor of this year’s House measure, Mazzoli appeared quieted by his past frustrations and left much of the wrangling over details to Schumer, Berman, Panetta, Lungren and others.

Rep. Peter W. Rodino Jr., 77, (D-N.J.), best known for chairing the televised impeachment hearings of President Richard M. Nixon, sponsored the first legislative attempts in 1972 and 1973 to punish employers who hire illegal aliens, and his interest in immigration never waned. The grandfatherly leader of the House Judiciary Committee, Rodino sponsored the House reform bill this year and, in a highly publicized move, pressured President Reagan into publically endorsing federal reimbursement for states that suffer heavy welfare and education costs from alien legalization.

Advertisement