Stirrings in South Korea

The anti-government demonstrations that have swept through Seoul and other South Korean cities in recent days have not reflected the kind of mass-based “people power” that helped end dictatorial rule in the Philippines last year. But if the demonstrations have been largely the work of student activists, they have not been lacking in popular support. The government seems shocked by evidence of overt public encouragement of the protest efforts. It should not be.

Relatively free elections for the National Assembly two years ago exposed the considerable unpopularity of President Chun Doo Hwan’s regime. Its standing has not improved since. It no doubt remains true, as the government repeatedly insists, that the vast majority of South Koreans neither share the aims of the most radical of the students nor approve activities that threaten to derail the nation’s surge toward growing prosperity. But the regime makes a great mistake if it assumes that a mass reluctance to take to the streets signifies approval of its authoritarian policies.

Chun and his nominated successor, Roh Tae Woo, insist that fundamental political change can’t be considered until after the 1988 Olympic Games are held in Seoul. The regime seems determined to enforce that fiat, even if it must invoke martial law. But such a step, or even intensified repression short of martial law, would be a clear and humiliating confession of the regime’s lack of broad popular support.

Getting tougher would only increase latent hostility. Acting now to broaden civil and political liberties and press freedom would, conversely, be taken as credible signals that wider reforms are on the way. With 120,000 policemen and 600,000 soldiers at its command, the regime is in no danger of being overthrown. It is at considerable risk, though, of losing much that South Korea has accomplished if it stubbornly refuses to recognize that Koreans want political change.