1988 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION : Robertson Returns to TV but Still Can Be Force in the GOP

Kansas Sen. Bob Dole returned full time to the Senate and New York Rep. Jack Kemp to the House. Former Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr. went back to being a blunt-talking retired Army general. One-time Delaware Gov. Pierre S. (Pete) du Pont IV resumed doing what multimillionaires do.

Last but not least, the Rev. Pat Robertson, the smooth-talking, ever-smiling televangelist, who bristles at the sound of that dreaded “T” word, is back as host of the long-running Christian talk show that made him a hero to many on the religious right.

But, even in defeat, few retain more potential for influencing the party’s future.

For Robertson’s legions, depending on what they do in the next four years, could either infuse the Grand Old Party with fresh blood and strength or send moderates fleeing and alienate the swing voters who have brought Republicans so many victories.

Followers Show Muscle

Still, when the 58-year-old Robertson picks up his consolation prize tonight--a prime time speech to the Republican National Convention that is expected to include a strong pitch for party unity--he will appear as the leader of a new, untested faction of partisan Christians who already have shown their muscle in grass-roots party politics.

The $26 million that Robertson’s campaign spent in the primary and caucus season bought Robertson only between 55 and 125 delegates--the estimates vary, depending on which of his aides does the counting. But Robertson loyalists have made significant inroads or taken control of the party structures in as many as a dozen states from Hawaii to his native Virginia.

“Because he didn’t win a lot of delegates, a lot of people tend to dismiss him,” said Ken Ruberg, director of the Washington-based Republican Mainstream, a coalition of moderates that remains nervous about Robertson’s potential in the GOP. “But I see every evidence that he will continue to organize for 1992 and be a very serious factor, a serious threat to the Republican Party.”

Contributions Plummet

For now, the most serious threat that Robertson’s campaign has posed has been to his own television ministry, the Christian Broadcasting Network. Although a political amateur, he entered the campaign pledging to ride to the rescue of a nation in moral drift. In the end, however, it was CBN that needed saving, as contributions from the faithful plummeted when Robertson abandoned the small screen two years ago to pursue his political ambitions.

Budgets were slashed and nearly half the work force was laid off at the Virginia Beach, Va.-based religious broadcasting conglomerate during Robertson’s absence. Acknowledging that CBN’s fate hung in the balance, Robertson reclaimed executive control of the ministry in May, and this month he resumed his duties as co-host of “The 700 Club,” the network’s flagship program.

His return to the air gives Robertson an opportunity to shore up his political base among viewers, mostly so-called charismatic Christians. But it could also undercut efforts to broaden his appeal should he make another run for the presidency, something he has not ruled out.

Because many conservatives are wary of religious leaders in politics, the campaign went to great lengths to deemphasize Robertson’s religious background and to play up his secular credentials as a businessman, economist and lawyer. He resigned from his Baptist television ministry, shied from mentioning God in campaign appearances and berated reporters who referred to him as a televangelist.

Narrow Following

But Robertson never broke into the electoral mainstream, failing to win a significant following even among the broad body of fundamentalist and evangelical Christians he had considered his natural constituency. Polls suggested that Robertson’s following was largely confined to the narrow group of charismatics who watched him on television.

However, both supporters and critics agree that Robertson has laid a groundwork that could make him a significant player in Republican politics for years to come. Like the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s 1984 candidacy in the Democratic Party, Robertson’s presence on the ballot in 1988 energized tens of thousands of once-complacent voters and inspired a whole new class of political activists--in this case, on the Christian right.

“Those people have learned how politics works and are anxious to come back for more action,” said Jeffrey K. Hadden, a sociologist at the University of Virginia who closely follows developments in Christian politics and television ministries.

There is even broader evidence of his influence. Zealous, well-organized Robertson supporters have taken control of the party machinery in Hawaii, Alaska, Washington and Nevada. They have made significant inroads in several other states, notably Georgia, Virginia, Texas, Louisiana, Minnesota and the Carolinas.

Robertson Sets Up PAC

To further his movement, Robertson has established a political action committee that he says will be used to bankroll conservative voter registration and education efforts as well as groom right-wing candidates for local, state and federal offices. Although ostensibly unconnected to his presidential drive, the PAC has been named Americans for the Republic, similar to the Americans for Robertson label borne by his campaign committee.

Allan Sutherlin, the director of Robertson’s now-moribund presidential campaign, said such developments show that Robertson and his supporters are no longer outsiders in Republican politics. “Our people have really hung in and are mainstreamed and will continue to be mainstreamed into the regular party organization,” Sutherlin maintained.

Robertson and Bush feuded bitterly during the primary season, but in the months since then Robertson has pledged to support and campaign on behalf of the vice president. Aside from his speech, Robertson plans a low key presence at the convention.

No Criticism of Platform

His supporters, meanwhile, have expressed satisfaction with the conservative tone of the party platform and plan no attempt to press for the inclusion of the more controversial planks they have successfully written into similar state documents.

Some critics of Robertson argue that his acceptance into the Republican fold could boomerang. Ruberg of the Republican Mainstream predicted that the Robertson phenomenon would turn into “a zero sum game” as the religious right increased its influence and numbers in the party while centrists abandoned the GOP in reaction to the sharp rightward thrust.

Robertson has made peace with Bush and vowed loyalty, but it is uncertain just how much Robertson or his supporters are willing to restrain their more controversial and deeply held convictions in the interest of party unity.

Homosexuals Blamed

For example, during debate in the platform committee last week, one Robertson delegate from the state of Washington rose to blame the onset of the AIDS epidemic on “the strength of the homosexual lobby.”

And, in a recent fund-raising letter seeking contributions to help pay off a $1.2-million debt left from the campaign, Robertson himself declared: “God does not want us to turn America over to radical feminists, drug dealers, militant homosexuals, profligate spenders, humanists or world communists.”