Chun Offers Apology to Koreans, Yields Wealth

Chun Doo Hwan, the former army general who ruled South Korea with an iron fist for seven years until February, bowed his head to the nation this morning, apologizing for corruption, nepotism and abuse of power under his regime and offering to surrender to the government about $3 million in personal cash along with real estate holdings and $20.4 million in political funds.

Chun issued his apology in a 30-minute appearance nationally televised live from his home after weeks of speculation that he would seek forgiveness and return “ill-gotten wealth” to escape the possibility of prosecution for his actions and defuse a rising public furor that threatened to destabilize the government of President Roh Tae Woo.

Speaking in a low monotone as he read from a prepared text, Chun said he “would do anything to repent” and indicated that he would retire to seclusion outside Seoul--but would not seek exile in a foreign country.

“I am here with a miserable feeling,” Chun said. “I have spent the last nine months repenting. I thought silence would be the best way to seek forgiveness, but that was wrong.

“The wrath of the people against me and my relatives has been mounting,” Chun continued. “I betrayed the expectations of those who supported me. I humbly seek your forgiveness, but I shall be responsible for all wrongdoings.”

Chun and his wife, Lee Soon Ja, entered a car at the back gate of their luxurious home in western Seoul after the announcement and departed for an undisclosed location, presumably somewhere in the South Korean countryside.

It was a remarkable fall from grace for a man who once wielded absolute power in a modern political tradition that has fostered a succession of authoritarian, military-backed rulers. Chun’s capitulation echoed examples throughout ancient Korean history in which political figures retired in disgrace to rural exile after losing power struggles.

It remained uncertain whether the apology would provide a solution to the turmoil surrounding criminal and National Assembly investigations of Chun’s alleged wrongdoings. Roh has said he prefers a “political solution” to the crisis but has not stated whether he will offer Chun immunity from prosecution or pardon him if he is indicted for any crime. Nor was it clear whether there would be a legal basis for a presidential pardon.

Opposition leaders, in particular Kim Dae Jung, who was once sentenced to death for sedition under Chun, have said they would not press for revenge if Chun’s apology were sincere and he surrendered plundered wealth.

Apology ‘Fell Short’

Kim’s Party for Peace and Democracy issued a statement this morning saying the apology “fell far too short to clarify the truth . . . and meet public expectations.” It said the party will continue to demand that Chun testify before the Assembly and seek the appointment of a special prosecutor to carry out a full investigation of his rule.

In his remarks, Chun attributed many of the irregularities under his rule to his own lack of experience and to excesses by subordinates who were blinded by greed or power. He defended his leadership by saying he only intended to “stabilize the country during a period of crisis.”

Chun led a December, 1979, military mutiny several weeks after the assassination of President Park Chung Hee by his own intelligence chief and seized power the next year, after army troops crushed a citizens’ uprising in the provincial city of Kwangju. He assumed the presidency in September, 1980, and stepped down last February, after Roh’s election.

Chun described the Kwangju incident, in which nearly 200 civilians were killed by official count, hundreds more by unofficial figures, as “the most unfortunate in our history,” one which “I cannot recall without pain in my heart.”

He said he hopes that the opposition-dominated National Assembly will continue to probe the incident and admitted that he was “fully responsible for the tragedy.”

“I regret that I failed to do enough to heal the scars after becoming president,” Chun said. “If my being punished can in any way lighten the sorrow (of victims), I’ll accept any punishment.”

Chun said he felt “painful repentance” as Assembly investigations uncovered details of a brutal political re-education camp and the purge of public servants and journalists under his regime. He also expressed regret that family members had abused the privileges of his office in financial dealings.

Chun denied that he has secret assets overseas and called for an impartial investigation of his wealth. He announced that he would give up interests in his house and land holdings in Seoul, a ski condominium outside the city and a golf club membership. He will also surrender about $3 million in cash and a $20.4-million “president’s fund” to the government, he said.

Chun’s apology came as public indignation over his alleged corruption spread from the radical fringe to the middle and upper classes of society. Even the ruling Democratic Justice Party, which he founded, joined the opposition in pressuring Chun for an apology and the return of disputed assets in an attempt to dissociate itself from the stain of his dictatorial rule.

In the streets, students, workers and farmers staged mass demonstrations demanding that Chun and his wife be arrested and prosecuted. Frequently the slogans and banners also called for Roh’s resignation and denounced the United States for backing Chun.

A series of anti-Chun protests that began shortly after the close of the Seoul Olympics on Oct. 2 culminated in a violent but largely ritual clash Saturday in which a swarm of about 10,000 youths took to the streets of the capital, fighting police tear gas with rocks and incendiary bombs.

In the courts, prosecutors had been tightening a noose around the former president, arresting as many as eight of his relatives on influence-peddling charges and investigating six others. Chun’s younger brother, Chun Kyung Hwan, 46, was convicted earlier this year of bribery and embezzlement as head of a rural development agency and sentenced to seven years in jail.

Elder Brother Was Arrested

But the biggest blow to Chun’s dignity came Nov. 12 when prosecutors arrested his elder brother, Chun Ki Hwan, 59, on graft charges relating to the operation of Seoul’s central fish market. In South Korea’s traditional Confucian society, the eldest adult son has a profound ethical role as head of the family. Chun could not dismiss the transgressions as foolish behavior by a younger sibling, as he did when Chun Kyung Hwan was arrested last spring.

Most critical in the moral and legal squeeze on Chun was the widening investigation of his alleged wrongdoings by several committees in the National Assembly. Hearings have been televised since the beginning of the month, and the public has been transfixed by scenes of powerful figures from the Chun regime being interrogated by men who were once persecuted and jailed by the strongman.

On Tuesday, the committee investigating the brutal military suppression of the 1980 Kwangju uprising issued a subpoena that would force Chun to testify. The panel is probing allegations that Chun, who at the time was an army general, engineered the Kwangju incident as part of a plot to take control of the government. If Chun refuses to comply, he can be cited for contempt and arrested.

Chun did not say in his apology whether he would testify.

Other committees in the Assembly are probing financial irregularities under Chun and his interference with the news media. A panel investigating corruption has revealed how Chun’s men extorted donations from the business community to fund the Ilhae Institute, a private think tank that Chun apparently intended to use as a refuge after retirement.