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Soviets Prepare Sweeping Reforms : Government: The proposals include a stock exchange. The nation would adopt a federal system.

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TIMES STAFF WRITER

The Soviet Communist Party on Monday formally outlined its plans for the nation’s political and economic renewal in a sweeping acceleration of President Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s reforms.

In the draft of its new platform, the party’s policy-making Central Committee proposed the rapid transformation--through market forces, private entrepreneurship and such diverse measures as fundamental price reforms and the introduction of a stock exchange and capital market--of the country’s centrally planned, centrally managed and largely state-owned economy.

The committee called for the establishment of a strong, executive presidency to lead perestroika, as Gorbachev’s reform program is known, but said that Communists must yield their long monopoly on power and accept a multi-party system in order to bring other forces into the political arena and to broaden its own popular support.

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To resolve the country’s proliferating ethnic conflicts, the committee proposed far-reaching changes to make the Soviet Union a truly federal system, with its 15 constituent republics having far greater autonomy, including economic independence, as well as a real right of secession.

A new constitution will be needed to reflect all these changes, the platform says, noting that drafting it will become an important part of the reforms as basic civil liberties are considerably widened.

Within the party itself, the strict political discipline of the past should be replaced with a pluralism of views, including factions with their own policy proposals and autonomous parties in the constituent republics, the text stated.

And the platform confirms the party’s gradual abandonment of many traditional Marxist-Leninist concepts, including class struggle, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the primacy of the state, and their replacement by others such as “common human values” that will bring further changes later.

The lengthy platform, adopted by the Central Committee last week for nationwide discussion before a party congress in late June or early July, brings together dozens of reform proposals, many of them quite fundamental and some truly radical, for which the leadership won approval in three days of heated debate.

“There is no sensible alternative to perestroika, “ the 40-page platform declares at the outset, sketching plans to achieve “a humane, democratic socialism.”

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“The vital issue now is the pace of reform and the acceleration of the solution of acute socio-economic and political problems.”

Even before the draft was published, the Soviet leadership moved Monday to begin the implementation of several of its key provisions, proposing a special session of the Congress of People’s Deputies, the national legislature, to consider the constitutional amendments establishing the executive presidency and ending the party’s monopoly on power.

The official Soviet news agency Tass said that the presidium of the Supreme Soviet, the country’s Parliament, had “unanimously favored the establishment of democratic presidential power” and put the question on the agenda this week of the Supreme Soviet.

“A president is needed,” the platform said, “to maintain the country’s stable development, to speed up perestroika, to guarantee its irreversibility, to ensure the normal and effective function of all state and public institutions in the process of democratization, to uphold the law and ensure citizens’ security, to protect the Soviet Union’s interests and to represent our state in the international arena.”

The case for a strong presidency was put by Gorbachev during the Central Committee meeting last week.

He is currently head of state through his chairmanship, or presidency, of the Congress of People’s Deputies, but most of his real power still comes from his post as the general secretary of the Communist Party. But that, in turn, requires him first to seek a consensus within the party’s Politburo before he acts, and this has often come slowly.

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The platform elaborated on the full scope of the economic reforms, as they are now envisioned after months of debate.

With an eye on the severe shortages of food and consumer goods, the party leadership calls for maximum efforts to develop agriculture and light industry through whatever economic forms--whether state-run cooperatives, leasing of state-owned assets or private enterprises--to meet the needs.

Although the Central Committee says that the new Soviet economy will be overseen by central planners, it also says they will primarily use such economic levers as taxes, interest rates, credits, price controls and the budget.

These economic reforms will require “a deep restructuring of the relations of property,” largely to permit private ownership but also to include worker-owned and -run enterprises, although “the exploitation of man by man” must be prevented.

Other changes would include the establishment of markets, driven by factors of supply and demand, for consumer goods, capital goods, securities and investments, foreign exchange and even research-and-development projects.

Price reform, described as an essential element for any market regulation of the economy but long a political impossibility here, is included. So are early reforms of the financial and banking system.

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The platform promises “economic independence” to the country’s constituent republics but acknowledges that these powers will have to be settled in negotiations over a new federal structure.

Noting widespread ethnic conflicts, the platform says the solution lies in “the resolute rejection of the Stalinist, essentially unitary model of state structure” and recognition of the principle of self-determination, including secession.

The Central Committee says that the party must “uphold the unconditional right of all peoples to use their native language freely, to declare it an official language within the limits of their autonomous national-state formations,” using Russian as “an instrument for inter-ethnic communication.”

The Communist parties in the constituent republics are also to receive greater autonomy, presumably to prevent others from following the lead of the Lithuanian party and declaring themselves independent.

The platform urges that they be given the right “to work out their own policy documents, to resolve independent organizational, personnel and financial issues, to engage in publishing activities and to have the right to participate directly in the solution of fundamental problems of party life.”

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