Hedgecock’s Voice Still Reverberates Around City Hall

His is arguably one of the most influential voices at San Diego City Hall. Yet it originates not in the council chambers or mayor’s office or any of the administrative suites, but rather in a small studio roughly 10 miles--and, in his words, “a lifetime”--away.

There, from 9 a.m. to 1 p.m. every weekday, former San Diego Mayor Roger Hedgecock presides over what he describes as a “town meeting of the airwaves” on KSDO radio--a program that not only is among the most successful radio talk shows in local history, but that also plays a sometimes potent role in major civic affairs both inside and outside City Hall.

“I hear people talking about it all the time--decision-makers as well as people you meet when you go door-to-door,” City Councilman Bruce Henderson said. “In terms of influence, I’d say Roger’s show is as important as any of the local newspapers, and probably more important than any TV news show and most (interest) groups.”

Indeed, nearly 4 1/2 years after his ignominious departure from City Hall following his conviction on campaign-law violations, Hedgecock, thanks to his program’s strong following, remains a figure to be reckoned with in the formulation of public policy.

The popular four-hour show not only has preserved--and perhaps enhanced--Hedgecock’s high profile, but also has come to be widely seen as a critical barometer of public sentiment. As a result, Hedgecock has been able to frame public debate and, occasionally, even help shape governmental action on issues ranging from property taxes and a proposed multibillion-dollar secondary sewage plant to illegal immigration and council members’ office renovations.

“The ironic thing--and probably the thing that pleases me most--is that the show has allowed me to accomplish much of what I wanted to accomplish as mayor, particularly in regard to getting the public more involved,” Hedgecock said in an interview. “That’s very satisfying because four, five years ago, I never thought I’d have that chance again.”

Within political circles, Hedgecock’s program is sometimes half-jokingly called San Diego’s government in exile, or, as one consultant described it, “the ghost of mayors past.”

At City Hall and throughout San Diego, “ Did you hear what Roger said today? “ is a common question, and no one has to bother to ask, “ Roger who? “ Letters and telephone calls to council and other city officials’ offices often point to Hedgecock’s show as the motivating force behind them. Council members, however, also credit Hedgecock with authoring cost-saving ideas that they have pursued, and advocates of various causes say his willingness to publicize their issues has had a galvanizing effect on their programs.

“I can give you the main reason for the success we’ve had in one word: Roger ,” said Audrey Bergner, one of the organizers of the periodic “Light Up the Border” demonstrations in which San Diegans illuminate the U.S.-Mexican border with their automobile headlights to protest the nightly crossings of illegal immigrants. “After Roger got involved, this thing went absolutely bananas.”

While the consensus within political and social circles reflects at least a grudging admission of Hedgecock’s continued clout, some people--particularly past opponents--are quick to dismiss the former mayor and his talk show as equally insignificant blips on the political radar screen.

“From the standpoint of the 1st (City Council) District, he has no impact at all,” said Joanne Johnson, the administrative assistant to Councilwoman Abbe Wolfsheimer. Significantly, however, Wolfsheimer herself expresses displeasure with Hedgecock’s “regular Abbe-bashing.”

To Hedgecock’s critics, the radio program is merely an exercise in ego gratification, a daily dosage of self-delusion that allows him to still view himself as a key player--albeit one who has been forced to the sidelines--in city politics.

Although Hedgecock prides himself on his ability to use his program to help mold public opinion, skeptics contend he less often leads the charge than jumps aboard a popular bandwagon, and then claims credit with a false modesty.

“I don’t know that there’s anything tangible that comes out of his show in terms of what happens at City Hall,” said Paul Downey, Mayor Maureen O’Connor’s press secretary. “I can’t think of a single instance where there was any evidence that Roger or any other talk-show host had any impact here.”

That belittling contention undeniably owes much to O’Connor’s lingering enmity toward Hedgecock as a result of his narrow victory in their bitter 1983 mayoral race. Hedgecock achieved that victory, a Superior Court jury decided in 1985, by relying on illegal campaign donations from the now-defunct La Jolla investment firm of J. David & Co. Hedgecock is appealing the 13-count felony conviction and one-year jail sentence.

Most people, however, are more charitable in their assessment of Hedgecock and his show’s effect. City Councilman Ron Roberts perhaps comes closest to an objective appraisal, saying that Hedgecock’s show is perhaps neither as influential as its host might like to think nor as trifling as his critics claim.

“Roger would like to act like everything that happens here is because of his program,” Roberts said. “That’s obviously an exaggeration, but there’s no question he has a strong listenership and that his opinions and the show carry some weight.”

In discussing his program, Hedgecock consistently emphasizes two points: He has no intention of ever parlaying the high visibility it gives him into a political comeback, and his audience, not he, deserves most of the credit for the show’s impact.

“I’m not trying to use the show to build a power base, because I’m never going to run for office again,” Hedgecock said. “In political terms, I’m dead--dead as a doornail. And that’s fine with me.

“What this show comes down to isn’t me, it’s the listeners. I keep telling them, you’re the powerful people who are changing the political landscape. Alone, I’m nothing--in fact, I’m probably a minus because of my personal reputation. I’m a vehicle and a facilitator--no more, no less.”

Based on recent ratings, an estimated 200,000 San Diegans listen to Hedgecock’s program at some point during the week. The size of that audience, combined with Hedgecock’s impressive mastery of myriad subjects--presented in an entertaining if often acerbic manner--and the evolution of the show itself, are the major factors behind the program’s growing influence.

Initially, the show followed a fairly common talk-show format heavy on “diet books and sex-life advice,” Hedgecock concedes. Over time, however, he increasingly assumed the role of ombudsman for his listeners’ complaints with government, and substantive local issues became one of the show’s staples.

“When it gets down to the nuts and bolts, people know I lived there,” Hedgecock said.

Earlier this year, when city officials began warning of a looming budget crisis and possible deep cuts in critical services and programs, Hedgecock delved into the subject by reading on air at random from the city’s budget.

Hedgecock’s background not only gave him incisive insights into the budget--Roberts, for example, is pursuing his suggestion that hundreds of thousands of dollars could be saved through consolidation of the city and county crime labs--but also guided him to politically embarrassing areas. Among the dark corners he gleefully illuminated were the amounts spent on the mayoral and council staffs, subsidies to red-ink programs and many other eclectic purposes tucked away in the $1-billion budget.

“When people find out we’re spending money to build sand castles in Mission Beach at the same time the city says it doesn’t have enough money to hire more police, they go crazy,” Hedgecock said. “People aren’t going to get that kind of information anywhere else, because the politicians would just as soon they not hear about it.”

One of his favorite tactics is to broadcast the addresses or telephone numbers of the public officials who oversee the programs or policies he spotlights--a gambit that does not often endear him to the individuals involved. Once, KSDO listeners clogged San Diego City Manager John Lockwood’s telephone lines--interfering with normal city business--after Hedgecock complained on the air about the perceived runaround he was getting in trying to secure Lockwood as a guest.

Last week, Hedgecock resorted to the same tactic to get an interview with County Supervisor Leon Williams about a work-release detention program.

“Some people will say that’s a little juvenile,” Hedgecock said. “But at least it caused John Lockwood to sit up and take notice and be accountable. The fact is, nobody at City Hall is very comfortable with a lot of people getting involved in these things. It’s like teachers saying they want more parent participation--until they get it. Politicians are the same way.”

Often, it is difficult to quantify Hedgecock’s impact, especially on controversial issues where his program is only one of many factors that incite a strong public reaction. On a number of occasions, however, his program has clearly affected both public debate and policy.

In 1988, when the California Public Utilities Commission authorized a $4.80 monthly surcharge on San Diego Gas & Electric Co. bills, Hedgecock helped angry customers devise a strategy to challenge the fee increase and kept up a steady stream of on-air criticism. When hundreds attended public hearings to protest the surcharge--a turnout for which other groups, notably the Utility Consumers Action Network (UCAN), also deserve credit--the commission reversed its decision.

Hedgecock also helped whip up public outrage over a $20-million property tax increase the City Council approved in February, then rescinded two weeks later.

“We blew them out of the water on that one,” Hedgecock said.

However, several council members who changed their votes downplay Hedgecock’s role, saying they switched because they erroneously thought at the time of the initial vote that they were simply putting the tax measure on the ballot, not approving it.

The city’s plan to build a federally mandated secondary sewage treatment plant estimated to cost up to $2.8 billion has been a regular topic of debate on the show.

“He’s one of the major reasons why those of us who feel this (plant) isn’t necessary and could bankrupt the city . . . have been able to make those points to the public,” said Henderson, who argues that scientific evidence shows that the millions of gallons of treated sewage the city pumps offshore each day do not harm the ocean. “On this and other issues, he has tremendous credibility.”

Similarly, organizers of the “Light Up the Border” protests regard Hedgecock as a near savior for their cause. Before his involvement--more particularly, to his publicizing the events on his program--only several dozen autos showed up at the first several nighttime protests. But, after Hedgecock began trumpeting the issue, about 425 cars and more than 1,000 people were at the protest in March.

“I personally went car to car asking people why they showed up, and everyone said, ‘Roger told me to be here,’ ” said Bergner, head of the Alliance for Border Control. “He’s why this thing took off.”

From Henderson’s perspective, the show’s impact demonstrates that Hedgecock the talk-show host retains Hedgecock the politician’s eye for recognizing a popular issue.

“When you hear people say, ‘Boy, Roger’s really on a toot about this issue,’ you know it’s because he’s felt the pulse of the public and realizes what gets people excited,” Henderson said. “Good politicians know when they’ve hit a raw nerve. And no one ever said Roger wasn’t a good politician.”

That ability to exploit public opinion, Hedgecock argues, points up a significant similarity between his current and former jobs.

“As an officeholder, your hands are on the levers of power--you can make the bureaucracy move and get things done,” he said. “But none of that happens without first trying to organize and manipulate public opinion. So now I try to shape public opinion in a way that has an indirect yet significant impact upon those who make the decisions.”

Hedgecock’s success in doing so, Roberts adds, allows his show to serve a valuable purpose akin to the press’ watchdog role toward government.

“It reminds you that people are looking over your shoulder, and that’s a good thing in politics,” Roberts said. “Not that people go around saying, ‘Gee, I wonder what Roger will think about this?’ But, when you know someone’s watching, you spend more time trying to do the right thing.”