Landmark Missile Pact Outlined : Summit: George Bush and Mikhail S. Gorbachev also signed an agreement to slash chemical weapons. They vowed to finish the long-range nuclear missile treaty by year’s end. “The Cold War must end,” Bush said.

President Bush and Mikhail S. Gorbachev approved the outlines of a landmark treaty Friday for the first-ever cuts in long-range nuclear missiles and signed a pact to slash chemical weapons. “The world has waited long enough, the Cold War must end,” Bush said.

In a major concession to Gorbachev, the two leaders signed a trade agreement that is politically important for the Soviet president, who is burdened by deepening economic problems at home. Also sealed was a five-year grain sale anxiously sought by American farmers.

Bush said the nuclear arms agreement was designed to “enhance stability and reduce the risk of war.” It will require months of work to put the treaty in final form, but Gorbachev said he shared Bush’s goal of signing it by year’s end.

Heralding the pact to cut stockpiles of poison gas, Bush said: “Let this landmark agreement quickly lead to a global ban on chemical weapons.” Negotiations are under way among 40 nations for a worldwide treaty.

“We are making steps toward a new world,” Gorbachev said. “The area of disagreement is being narrowed.”

Midway through a four-day summit, Bush and Gorbachev sat down at a gleaming mahogany table in the East Room to sign an array of agreements. The two men were flanked by Soviet and American flags.

Barbara Bush and Raisa Gorbachev, who traveled together to Wellesley College earlier in the day, applauded their husbands’ achievements from their front-row seats.

They capped the day with a dinner honoring Bush at the Soviet embassy. The menu featured roast duck, suckling pig and baked fish, accompanied by the best wines of the Soviet Union.

The televised ceremony ended a day of suspense and last-minute bargaining, and stole the spotlight from disputes ranging from German unity, European security and reductions in conventional forces. The two men will talk again Saturday in the quiet surroundings of Camp David.

At a news conference later, Secretary of State James A. Baker III took note of “two areas where real disagreements do remain”: Germany and Lithuania.

“While we did not narrow our differences on these two issues, we did heighten, I think, our understanding of each other’s concerns,” Baker said.

As the day unfolded, the two leaders hit snags in the outlines of the nuclear weapons pact and sent Baker and Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze into a harried round of talks.

The signing ceremony was postponed as the leaders waited for an agreement.

Intent on wresting trade concessions from Bush, officials said Gorbachev stalled on the grain-sale agreement. In the end, they split their differences.

The trade agreement is a step toward granting most-favored-nation status to Moscow, providing the lowest possible tariffs on Soviet goods. Baker said they would not even send the treaty paper work to the Senate for ratification until the Soviets enact a law protecting Jewish emigration.

Along with the major accords, the leaders signed agreements to improve verification of underground nuclear explosions under treaties dating from 1974 and 1976. They also put their names on agreements for student exchanges and cooperation on atomic energy.

“We may not agree on everything, but we agree on one great truth: The world has waited long enough, the Cold War must end,” Bush said.

Referring to their storm-tossed meeting in Malta last December and the dramatic changes across Eastern Europe, Gorbachev said: “The turbulent developments in recent months after Malta have not led us astray from the goals we set together.”

Gorbachev said he is committed to wrapping up the final elements of the nuclear weapons pact before the end of the year. Bush concurred. The final treaty will force both superpowers to cut their nuclear arsenals by about a third.

Baker said the two sides, after six days of intensive negotiations, had made “workman-like progress across the full spectrum” of nuclear weapons, including limits on heavy mobile intercontinental missiles.

The Soviet leader put a premium on winning a trade agreement from Bush, saying it would be an important political prize for him. “We are not asking for a free ride,” he told congressional leaders at the start of the day. He said it would be “humiliating” to beg for concessions.

As a price for improved trade, the Bush Administration has demanded an easing of Soviet pressure against Lithuania, as well as passage of a Soviet law protecting Jewish emigration. In the end, Bush decided not to send Gorbachev home empty-handed.

“They understand full well that they will not get (most-favored-nation benefits) until the legislation passes the Supreme Soviet,” Baker said.

He insisted there was “no formal linkage” between the trade issue and Lithuania, although Bush has acknowledged it would be hard to get the Senate to approve a trade treaty as long as Moscow put pressure on the Baltic states.

The chemical weapons accord imposes a halt in production of poison gas and requires the two nations to cut their stockpiles to 5,000 tons each.

Bush and Gorbachev were unable to make progress on cutting troops and non-nuclear weapons in Europe. They issued a statement declaring their hope to reach agreement by the end of the year.

On a related front, sources said Gorbachev, trying to break a stalemate, had proposed creation of a new “Council of all Europe” to play a decisive role in shaping the military future of Germany. The United States and the Soviet Union would participate in the deliberations along with other members of the NATO and Warsaw Pact alliances as well as neutral countries.

A U.S. official said: “We are prepared to work with it. It is not something we would reject out of hand.” The idea will be considered by top diplomatic aides in Copenhagen and Berlin later this month.

The superpower summit was spiced with colorful sideshows. Mrs. Bush and Mrs. Gorbachev were cheered at Wellesley College commencement exercises and Gorbachev once again stopped his entourage to work the noon-hour crowds on a brilliant sunny day.

Both women spoke of traditional values at Wellesley. Mrs. Bush, whose selection as a graduation speaker had irritated some students, counseled them to put family and friends first in their lives. Mrs. Gorbachev said women have a special mission of “peacemaking, humanism, mercy and kindness.”

Gorbachev began the day by confronting some of his toughest critics in Washington--congressional leaders unhappy over Moscow’s coercion of Lithuania, the Baltic republic struggling for independence. Televised live across America, it was a freewheeling exchange over trade, German unity, Lithuania and Soviet economic reforms.

Gorbachev took the offensive. He said Bush was too rigid about insisting that a unified Germany be a member of NATO, and rejected any suggestion that he was politically weak. “That’s not serious,” he said.

“This is a genuine revolution,” Gorbachev told the lawmakers, some of whom have expressed doubts that he will survive. “Please don’t be frightened, because you can frighten us, too, if you get frightened.”

Extolling his economic reforms, Gorbachev said increased trade with the West would be an important step toward a free market system in the Soviet Union.

However, Gorbachev said: “I’m not going to ask for anything, to beg for anything. . . . Certainly we are not asking for a free ride. We will be asking for normal credits, and of course we will be paying, and paying the interest. For us it would humiliating if we were to ask, to beg for something from you.”

When congressmen pressed him on Lithuania, Gorbachev pointed out that China had received most-favored-nation status despite the bloody crackdown in Tian An Men Square a year ago. “Maybe we should introduce martial rule in the Baltics,” he said sarcastically.

The agreement on strategic weapons, the deadliest arms in the superpowers’ arsenals, has been under negotiation for eight years. It would be the first to reduce long-range nuclear arms; previous agreements set overall limits but still allowed more weapons to be made.

Even after both sides initial a treaty outline, the superpowers will face months of tedious negotiations over details to satisfy lawyers in each country.

Overall, both sides would agree to destroy about a third of their long-range nuclear weapons over seven years.

The chemical weapons pact would require the United States to destroy about 20,000 tons of its stockpile and mandate a 45,000-ton reduction by the Soviet Union. The United States also would be required to stop producing poison gas; the Soviet Union already has stopped.

Along with the arms agreements, there also were accords expanding air travel between the United States and Soviet Union, increasing student exchanges, and making it easier for commercial ships to deliver goods to ports in one another’s country.

There was an agreement for closer cooperation on atomic energy and another to open reciprocal cultural and information centers in Washington and Moscow.