Nelson Mandela : Still Optimistic That Peace Will Be Found in South Africa

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela not only epitomizes the black struggle against apartheid in South Africa but also the yearnings of the unfree everywhere. Still, he has no vote in the country of his birth.

He was born 72 years ago into a royal household in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. If Mandela, like many others, had gone along with the apartheid order enforced by the white Nationalist government, he could have risen to high tribal office. But he chose, in his words, “no easy walk to freedom” when he renounced a role within the government’s tribal structures, studied law and entered the black liberation struggle in 1944.

Mandela joined the African National Congress, the principal liberation movement in South Africa, and was soon--along with colleagues Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu--working hard at drawing militant young blacks into the organization established in 1912. When the government banned the ANC in 1960, Mandela was among those who planned a program of limited sabotage against government installations. But before any operations were carried out, he was arrested and tried for his role. In what become known as the Rivonia trial, Mandela was convicted, in 1962, of sabotage and sentenced to life imprisonment.

Mandela’s release from prison in February, 1990, coincided with dramatic new moves by President Frederik W. de Klerk to reform South African politics. There were high hopes that he and Mandela would usher in a new, non-racial order. But violence in the black townships and actions by the country’s security forces have slowed progress.

Mandela, deputy president of the ANC, has recently faced growing criticism in government and related quarters for, among other things, not taming black violence in the townships and not persuading striking black children to return to school. And rank-and-file ANC members have been critical of his conduct in talks with the government.

In spite of these growing burdens, Mandela seemed self-assured, relaxed, lucid and optimistic while discussing the prospects for peace in South Africa.

Question: Since your release from prison, has there been one thing that really struck you?

Answer: I would find it difficult to identify any single issue . . . . Perhaps I can consider the matter from a combination of issues.

Firstly, on the day of my release I was struck, as I traveled to the city of Cape Town, by the large number of whites who seemed to be committed to the anti-apartheid struggle . . . . Of course, this was more evident when I reached the Grand Parade (where he addressed a huge crowd).

I also had the opportunity of coming into contact with the attitude and mood of the young people, students in particular, who were really the product of Bantu education (the system under apartheid designed to keep blacks subservient) but who have become the most militant opposition to the policy of apartheid. This struck me tremendously.

Above all, I was struck by the high level of political consciousness of blacks in the country. When I went to prison (27 years ago), although we had been brought up in a militant tradition, the level of political sophistication was far below what I found when I came out. This was reflected in the dominant role the African National Congress now occupies. It was interesting to observe that the government had tried, during the last 41 years or so, to suppress the ANC. Not only had the government failed, but the ANC has emerged to become the strongest political organization in the country inside and outside Parliament.

The enormous achievements of comrade Oliver Tambo--who led the organization, of course, within the framework of collective leadership--is what actually broke down his health.

These are the issues that tremendously impressed me. And, of course, the overwhelming support that we got from the international community. I found this to be a unique development where you are unable to draw a distinction between the countries of Europe and those of Africa, Asia and Latin America, where you find conservatives, liberals all fully behind the struggle against apartheid. And although we differed very radically on strategy, nevertheless their commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle was never in doubt.

Q: Have you been treated fairly since your release--by the government, by South Africans, by the press, by the world?

A: I was quite surprised at the reception I received when I came out of jail, both from our own people, black and white; I was even more surprised at the reception that we as an organization received from the press, as well as from the international community.

Now, the amount of support we are getting from the press, of course, is not uniform. There are some who appear to be still committed to the status quo, but there are many conservative newspapers that have supported us in the struggle against apartheid and that have given us fair coverage. So I think that as part of the liberation movement in this country, I have received fair treatment from the country, the press and from the international community.

Q: Looking to 1991, what do you reasonably expect negotiations can achieve on the ground during the year.

A: The next point in our discussions . . . is to consider how we should identify the people who are going to sit around the negotiating table and draw up a constitution. One thing to bear in mind here is that there can be no resolution of our problems without the involvement of the government and, vice versa, there can be no resolution of our problems without involving the ANC. Whether we like it or not, destiny compels us to work together. We have covered some ground in that direction and despite the hiccups, some of which are very serious, I have reason to believe that we will be able to iron them out in due course and make the progress that the country and the international community expects from us.

Q: Do you feel “locked into” negotiations with De Klerk?

A: Not really “locked in.” I mean we are committed--I am committed--to negotiations, and although Mr. De Klerk and his government have done things that have raised a doubt as to their seriousness about negotiations, I have no doubt--especially when I bear in mind our discussions recently--that we have a powerful case and we will be able to persuade them to live up to expectations. As you know, I have referred to him as a man of integrity both in my political work inside and outside the country. That image has been bled a bit recently . . . but I think that he is going to make every effort to ensure that the problems that have arisen and threaten the whole process are settled.

Q: What sort of South Africa do you envisage?

A: Very simple: It is a South Africa based on the Freedom Charter (a manifesto drawn up by the ANC and political allies in the 1950s), which is our basic policy; . . . a non-racial society where all population groups would enjoy equality before the law, and where all forms of racial discrimination were abolished. It is a South Africa where there will be a bill of rights defining the rights of citizens, a bill of rights that is entrenched by the ability of any person who considers his rights are threatened or violated to have access to an independent judiciary. It is a South Africa in which there will be political parties; where political dissent will not be dealt with in a way that shows a lack of patience and a lack of political tolerance.

Q: In what ways can your ideas and plans make various communities feel secure, in the drawing up of the constitution and in living under a new constitution?

A: It appears to me that no community in this country should fear the future, if they look at our policy as formulated in the Freedom Charter. It is the most progressive policy for the country, and there is no other political organization that has put forward the policy that we have announced, because it makes sure that there would be no domination of one group by another. In fact, this is an issue I dealt with when I handed in a memo to the government before I met (former President) P.W. Botha (this meeting was before Botha resigned).

I said that one of the issues that would face the ANC and the government is the fear on the part of whites that the implementation of majority rule would mean the domination of whites by blacks. And we must therefore assure them that they have nothing to fear in the future. It is not possible to speak in advance as to the actual measures that will be adopted in order to reassure the various population groups that they have nothing to fear. But it is sufficient for me to say that we are well aware that this fear, although misplaced, is very genuine and we have to address it jointly with the government.

Q: Has the negotiating process with the government so far met your expectations? The hiccups that you refer to, have they been worse than you expected?

A: On the whole, the discussions with the government have gone off very well. It would be unreasonable for anybody to imagine that, taking account of the background of our country, agreements would be reached overnight. If you bear that in mind, you will agree that we have made impressive progress. Difficulties have arisen, some of them, of course, that we did not expect . . . because, once you have agreed, your honor is involved and you don’t want to do anything that appears to be undermining that agreement--which the government unfortunately has done. But we are discussing those problems. The fact that we were able to meet and discuss it is itself an achievement.

Q: Some have said that a constituent assembly ( a body elected directly by voters to draw up a constitution, a system the ANC favors--though the government seems to have different ideas ) implies a winner-take-all situation after an election. Do you believe that?

A: I don’t think so. All organs of government in democratic countries are based on free and unfettered elections. That is the foundation of democracy as practiced in the Western world, for example . . . and there is no reason why we should have a different formula. If we want to draw up a constitution that is going to enjoy credibility and allegiance, the people who are entrusted with the task of drawing up that constitution must be properly mandated. And the question of ensuring that the fears on the part of the minorities are removed, is one which we are addressing. I have no doubt that there is sufficient goodwill on the part of the ANC and the government to be able to address the question of how to reassure the various population groups in this country that their future will be guaranteed.

Q: How is your health and stamina? How do you keep fit?

A: (My) schedule has been a very strenuous one, but (that) must . . . not be exaggerated because I am not alone. I work as part of a team and I am working with extremely capable comrades, who are able to take away the strain, who are able to share the work in such a way that I am able to carry the strain. To that extent, I claim that I can manage. And, of course, I have been used to very vigorous physical exercises in prison and I think that has helped me . . . although I no longer have the opportunity of doing them as consistently as I did in prison.

Q: But do you do some?

A: Yes, I do try.