Clinton and Diversity in L.A.

Assuming Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton survives New York, he faces another dangerous path through urban ethnic politics here in L.A.

Latinos, African-Americans, Asian-Americans, Jews, Armenians, Greeks and other groups are political players in this once predominantly white Protestant city that has become a magnet for minorities.

And, there are groups within groups, factions within factions. The middle-class Jews who worship in orthodox shuls on La Brea Avenue have a different religious, social and political outlook than the upper-class Jews in reform temples on the Westside. Every ethnic group is divided by beliefs, old feuds and economic class.

Clinton’s wife, Hillary, found that out when she spoke at an Olvera Street reception last Thursday. Clinton, a sprightly, small figure in red, walked north on Olvera Street and turned into El Paseo, a restaurant owned by Latino community leader Andy Camacho.

Her arrival was hot political news on Olvera Street. Camacho is a political ally of Los Angeles City Councilman Richard Alatorre. Across the street from El Paseo is La Golondrina, run by Vivien Bonzo, a supporter of Alatorre’s archrival, county Supervisor Gloria Molina. Alatorre people hang out at El Paseo. Molina followers eat and drink at La Golondrina.

But Clinton deftly avoided the factional trap by first meeting alone with Molina. Afterward, Molina crossed the Camacho threshold with a smile and joined Clinton at El Paseo for the reception.

It’s unlikely that things will continue to go as smoothly for the Clintons in L.A. For as far as ethnic politics go, L.A. is Jerry Brown’s town.

From the beginning, when he outpolled a huge field in a community college board election in 1969, Brown has run well in L.A.’s African-American and Latino neighborhoods.

“It was one of his main strengths,” recalled political pollster Richard Maullin, a Brown adviser from the earliest days. “Jerry started with the affection of minority voters based on his father, but he was even more progressive in opening (government) doors to minorities.”

This will pay immediate dividends for Brown. In Latino neighborhoods, a network of civic leaders, many who came into power during the Brown days, will assemble campaign organizations for the former governor. These same people will arrange for community big shots to surround him on platforms. As a result, when Brown is seen on television news, he’ll look like a neighborhood fixture.

The same will hold true in African-American neighborhoods, where old supporters stand ready to welcome him to the civic club meetings and church services so important to South L.A.’s political network.

And Bill Clinton already has trouble there.

His playing golf at a whites-only country club in Little Rock, Ark., last month angered L.A.’s black community. “I think it has hurt Clinton,” said U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters, (D-Los Angeles), co-chairwoman of Clinton’s national steering committee and a power in L.A.’s African-American community. “It was an unfortunate occurrence. Clinton should not be playing golf on any golf course that discriminates. He should know better.”

That sentiment could be found at a fund-raiser that Waters put on for Hillary Clinton last Thursday.

I talked to one of the contributors, Cynthia McClain-Hill, an attorney and publisher of Focus 2000, a political newsletter for young African-American professionals. McClain-Hill, although angry about the golf incident, attended the fund-raiser and brought some guests. She told the organizers she was going only because the congresswoman invited her.

On the plus side, Clinton’s alliance with Waters should be a big help. Waters’ influence ranges through all segments of L.A.’s diverse black population, from the housing projects where she grew up to the growing number of affluent black professionals and entrepreneurs.

The Clinton campaign also is learning how to tap into the fast-growing network of Latino business people and professionals. That group made up much of the crowd at the Hillary Clinton reception at El Paseo, which was sponsored by a Latina civic organization with many professional members.

This brings Bill Clinton into the Latino suburbs in the San Fernando and San Gabriel valleys, where political activism and voting is increasing.

There’s more that Clinton and Brown must face. Asian-Americans have become political powers. The Armenian community will be heard. So will the others, in churches, civic clubs and ethnic newspapers and television and radio stations.

As Clinton and Brown are finding in New York, campaigning in this diversity can be an opportunity or a road to disaster.