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PERSPECTIVE ON THE NEW ADMINISTRATION : The Opposition Extends a Hand : Clinton will have GOP support in Congress if he keeps his ‘new breed’ image; if he defers to his party’s liberals, forget it.

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<i> Rep. David Dreier (R-La Verne) represents the 28th Congressional District</i>

Republicans and Republican themes played an important role in the election of Bill Clinton as our nation’s 42nd President. More than twice the number of registered Republicans voted for the Democratic candidate in 1992 than did so in 1988. Conversely, there was a 23-point drop in Republican support for President Bush.

In the congressional vote, it was the first time in 32 years that the opposition party captured the White House but did not gain seats on the Hill. And in exit polls, voters preferred, by a margin of 54-38, government that costs less in taxes and provides fewer services.

Clinton’s election clearly was not a victory for the left. The President-elect must, therefore, recognize that Republican support for his policies will be just as crucial to the success of his Administration as it was to the success of his campaign.

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At the same time, congressional Republicans cannot infer from the election results that the public will tolerate unrestrained opposition to the Clinton Administration. Our overwhelming priority should be to help the new President succeed in improving the well-being of our country. But capturing a scant 43% of the popular vote does not entitle Clinton to a long honeymoon. It will take a great effort by both sides to attain the mutual trust and cooperation needed for successful governance.

We Republicans are willing to make such a commitment for the betterment of our country. For Clinton, the task will be made difficult by the demands of traditional liberals who dominate the national Democratic Party. Clinton needs to prove that he is a “new breed of Democrat” willing to stand up to congressional leaders and special-interest groups that inevitably resist change.

Clinton can start by holding firm on his support for a line-item veto. This campaign pledge gave budget-conscious voters a ray of hope that progress on the federal deficit is close at hand. But less than two weeks after declaring that “change is on the horizon,” Clinton signaled a willingness to “compromise” with congressional leaders on a vague alternative that would actually weaken the President’s already feeble authority to reduce wasteful spending.

Clinton is right to focus his initial energies and political capital on a program to stimulate the economy. Not surprisingly, Congress will have a different set of priorities. Democratic leaders have already indicated that Congress will move quickly on campaign finance reform, national voter registration, family and medical leave and, possibly, health-care reform legislation.

Republicans have offered thoughtful proposals on all of these issues. Clinton will gain immeasurable goodwill, and strong public support, if he works for bipartisan solutions to these issues.

When Clinton does submit his economic package to Congress, Republicans fully expect that it will include tax increases on the rich, as he promised during the campaign. While we continue to stand firmly opposed to new taxes to finance new spending programs, Republicans want to enact a bipartisan economic growth plan. Growth incentives that will weigh favorably with many of us include a capital-gains differential, expanded IRAs, an investment tax credit and tax breaks for first-time home-buyers. Politically, Clinton can expect to score big if he succeeds in proving wrong those who believe he will tax middle-class families as well.

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The first major challenge to Clinton’s “new breed of Democrat” paradigm may come early next year when Congress must vote to implement NAFTA--the North American Free Trade Agreement. If Clinton is serious about breaking the stranglehold that special-interest groups have on government policy, he must reaffirm his support for NAFTA. Then he must work vigorously to prevent amendments that would effectively kill the treaty and choke off a major source of job creation and economic growth.

Clinton should go one step further and boldly call for negotiations leading to a U.S.-Japan free trade agreement. This would send a clear signal to the world’s financial markets, and to our trading partners, that the Clinton Administration intends to pursue trade policies that foster greater economic efficiency and a higher standard of living.

Free trade, economic growth, congressional reform, deficit reduction and welfare reform are just a few of the issues that Republicans want Clinton to successfully address because they are important to the future of our country.

“Our loyalty is due entirely to the United States,” Theodore Roosevelt once wrote. “It is our duty to support (the President) when he serves the United States well. It is our duty to oppose him when he serves it badly.”

This is how most Republicans are approaching the new Administration. Like the voters in general, we are looking to Clinton with a sense of hope and optimism and are willing to work with him to address the difficult challenges that lie ahead.

How far Republicans are willing to extend a helping hand depends on which Clinton emerges after his inauguration. If the “mainstream” Bill Clinton continues to pursue an agenda that recognizes free trade and free markets as the engine of our economy, he can look to Republicans to help carry the ball. If the “liberal” Bill Clinton emerges with an agenda of higher taxes, more government spending and increased regulation, he faces four of the most difficult years of his life.

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