Life Under House Speaker Newt Gingrich : If the GOP wins control this fall, the changes will be revolutionary in the worst sense.

It’s Jan. 3, 1995, and the 104th Congress has convened for its opening session.

Rep. Newt Gingrich, the former Republican whip, has just been sworn in as the new Speaker, and challenges President Clinton and what he calls the Democratic Party/welfare-state nexus.

The Republican House approves term limits for committee chairmen and cuts the number of committees to 18 from 22.

John Dingell, former Energy and Commerce Committee chairman and now ranking minority member, fires three-quarters of the Democratic staff, cutting back from 111 in the last Congress.

Conservative Republican Gary Franks of Connecticut replaces Democrat Kweisi Mfume as the most influential black in the House.

This is a foretaste of what might happen if Republicans go beyond the magic 218 number and take control of the House.

That’s still an “if.” But the possibility that the Democrats’ seemingly permanent majority might end this November makes it important to look closely at just how Republican control of Congress could change Washington and national politics.

A revolutionary from the day he entered the House 15 years ago, Gingrich has been the chief strategist of the Republican war on the Democrats. His attacks led to the downfall of Speaker Jim Wright. C-Span junkies know him through his House speeches pushing his populist conservative agenda of low taxes and individual responsibility. Today, the Democratic House struggles under the image of being a bloated, perk-infested, out-of-touch institution, in large part because of the unrelenting Gingrich-led assault.

If the Republicans become the majority this November, this is what might follow:

* The destruction of the existing congressional order. The GOP’s objective would be to smash the Democrats’ congressional base and rewrite the rules of the political and legislative game. This would be done by shrinking Congress’ budget and staff, passing term limits for members and committee chairmen and ending absentee voting in committees and closed rules in the House.

Power would be diffused at the committee level, where junior members--mostly Republicans--would have a greater say. And, acting together in their caucus and led by a disciplined leadership, the GOP would set party positions and ram its legislative program through Congress.

* A tightly focused legislative blitzkrieg. Gingrich would sharpen party differences even more. The Republicans would move quickly to pass congressional reform and push their anti-tax, socially conservative legislative program.

* Dismantling the Democratic Party infrastructure. The House Republicans would move to financially starve the Democratic Party. They would seek to severely restrict contributions from the public relations, law and lobbying firms, liberal interest groups and unions that are the Democrats’ financial backbone.

* Winners, losers and new styles. Gingrich and the House Republicans would refuse to deal with Democratic lobbying firms. Those firms wouldn’t be able to hire former Gingrich staffers to get access. He and his allies would reward lobbyists who have been long-time supporters.

The diffusion of power in the House would make grass-roots lobbying the “in” form; the real action would take place back home--in Irvine, Dubuque and Fort Lauderdale.

The National Federation of Independent Business and the newly radicalized U.S. Chamber of Commerce, long-time Gingrich friends, and companies like Caterpillar would be the big winners. So would their anti-tax, anti-union agendas.

The big losers would be unions, feminist groups, the liberal public-policy community, unionized industries like automobiles and transportation--and their activist government agendas.

* Unremitting partisan warfare. Gridlock would return to Washington. Little legislation would move as the Gingrich-led Republicans began their war to delegitimize President Clinton and the Democrats, solidify the GOP hold on Congress and win the White House. Their weapons would be hot-button issues, embarrassing votes and hearings on Administration stumbles and scandals. By Speaker Gingrich’s calculation, voters would blame President Clinton, not the Republicans, for the deadlock.

If the Republicans do win, Gingrich will have secured the beachhead he’s fought for since he entered the House. The question is whether he will have the nerve to boldly break out to achieve his ultimate goal--the dismantling of the New Deal and the ideological remaking of American politics.