John Herrington

When John Herrington was chosen chairman of the California Republican Party in early 1995, many asked, “Who is John Herrington?”

Unlike most of his predecessors, Herrington, 57, of Walnut Creek in Contra Costa County, was not a well-known, out-front political activist, even though he had worked eight years in the Reagan administration and had served four of those years as secretary of energy.

Herrington was elected vice chairman of the California Republican Party in 1993, thus putting him in line for the No. 1 spot two years later. At the time, the party was in shambles, following devastating losses in the 1992 elections.

As vice chairman, Herrington worked quietly and out of the spotlight to help rebuild the party for the 1994 elections. He succeeded to the chairmanship following the dramatic GOP successes of 1994.

Herrington used his position to build the party’s professionalism and to mute the fractious differences within the state Republican Party--primarily the moderate wing of Pete Wilson and the religious and social conservatives who had warred bitterly with the governor on issues such as abortion and gay rights.

Herrington was born in Los Angeles. He is a graduate of Stanford University and the law school at UC San Francisco. He first served as a deputy district attorney in Ventura County, then went into private practice, specializing in corporate, real estate, tax and business law.

Herrington joined the Reagan administration in 1981 as a White House aide. He later became assistant secretary of the Navy, then energy secretary in 1985. Following his tenure in Washington, he served two years as chairman of Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Inc., the giant publishing firm, overseeing a $2.8-billion restructuring of the company.

Along the way, Herrington fulfilled a longtime fantasy by developing an award-winning restaurant, Vic Stewart’s, in the restored Walnut Creek railroad station. Herrington is married to Lois Haight, a Contra Costa County superior-court judge. They have two daughters, Lisa Marie, a minister, and Victoria, who works as communications director for the state GOP.

Today, Herrington faces another difficult task: helping Bob Dole carry California in the 1996 election over Democrat Bill Clinton and to build on GOP successes in the Legislature and Congress. He talked about the job over lunch at Vic Stewart’s (named for a grandfather) and in his office nearby, heavily decorated with plaques and photos of Reagan and other major political figures.

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Question: What sort of convention are you expecting?

Answer: I think the convention will have a certain amount of contentious activity. We’re not a party that agrees on everything. Abortion is one big issue, but there are others. I expect these to be fought out--these various differences. After all, we had nine candidates who wanted to be president.

Q: Is that necessarily a bad thing?

A: No. It’s a good thing. I would rather do it that way than be like the Democrats, who don’t allow debate, especially on the abortion issue. It’s part of the system. The party has to have the argument and decide where it is, rather than have somebody dictate it. And it has to be in a public forum. . . .

Q: About two-thirds of the California delegation identify themselves as supportive of abortion rights. You have Gov. Pete Wilson on that side and Atty. Gen. Dan Lungren on the other. How do you keep the delegation together and focused on the main point to elect Bob Dole?

A: The delegation is a Bob Dole delegation. It is there to support Bob Dole, and every delegate is pledged to support Bob Dole. So I don’t think there is any problem in controlling the delegation. They know what their job is.

Q: What is there for the delegation to do other than vote for Bob Dole and his vice-presidential nominee?

A: Conventions are, and always have been, tremendous social events. There are chances to schmooze Republicans from all over the country and talk policy and argue and get the work of the Republican Party done. A lot of that goes on. I think the formal workings of the delegation are very limited for a slate that is pledged.

Q: It seems each time Dole comes to California, his poll numbers slip, vis a vis Clinton, up to 27 points in the last Times poll. What is his problem in California? Can he win the state?

A: First of all, I don’t have a lot of confidence in the polls. Over my 30 years of politics, I have seen polls in California, such as the Field poll, predict Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter being in a dead-heat the day before the election in 1980. As you remember, it was a blowout. The same poll said Wilson couldn’t be governor.

Ask me that same question after Labor Day, when I think the polls begin to firm up and become more accurate. I don’t think a lot of people are even focusing on the question at this point. And I think there is a factor here that a lot of people don’t like to speak ill of a sitting president, but when they get in the ballot box, might vote a different way. I don’t, for one minute, believe that this is a 27-point race. The private polls we have done show it to be a 10-to-12-point race.

Q: Does Dole have to do anything special to attract California voters?

A: Dole has got a certain job out here, and that is to point out some of the shortcomings of Bill Clinton. Bill Clinton, for instance, has declared war on the agriculture industry, the timber industry and the defense industry in California. That has to be pointed up and explained. [Dole must] tell people how it would be different. You have to take a very aggressive stand on immigration, crime, affirmative action--all those issues that are playing very high with Republican voters.

Q: Regarding affirmative action: At first, Dole talked about the California ballot initiative here, and then there was some suggestion that that was not good for him. Then it seemed he had sort of soft-peddled the issue since then.

A: I never remember anyone saying it wasn’t good for him. CCRI (the authors’ title for Proposition 209 on the Nov. 5 ballot to eliminate state affirmative-action programs: California civil rights initiative) is a very good issue for Bob Dole. The overwhelming majority of Californians favor CCRI. They want a colorblind society, and they want the end of discrimination as we know it. Bob Dole has already stated his position in favor of CCRI, and I would expect him to be more aggressive on it after the convention. In fact, I am absolutely sure he will.

Q: You are going to have delegates from not just New York and Texas, but Puerto Rico and Guam. What kind of California experience are they going to have? Is this a chance to sell them on what’s happening in California?

A: We don’t want to sell too many more people or we’re likely to double the population again. I think 34 million’s enough. However, it will be the first convention I’ve been to since 1968 where we haven’t had drop-dead humidity, where your perspiration is running down your clothes into your shoes. And you’re just miserable. Here we are on California beaches in the middle of summer and, frankly, it’s going to blow some people away. They’ve never seen anything like a day at the beach in Southern California.

That’s one of the reasons the California Republican Party is throwing a beach party. We want to show them what it’s like. We’re going to be barbecuing hot dogs and hamburgers and drinking beer and swimming. There’ll be surfboards, wave-riders, old woodies parked there. We got Jan and Dean, the surf music, Frankie Avalon, and we’re going to try to recreate a day at the beach. And it should be a very important point to start off the convention.

Q: Although it’s 1996, the 1998 elections are on the minds of many political insiders and potential candidates in California. Do you see Lungren having any substantial opposition for the Republican nomination for governor?

A: Well, at this point, I do not. Dan is extremely popular, and I think he’s far and away the leader among Republicans to be the Republican governor candidate.

Q: There is also a U.S. Senate race in 1998, the seat of Democrat Barbara Boxer. Who do you see as potential candidates?

A: It’s too early to tell, but I think you will see candidates 10-deep running for that race, for a couple of reasons. One, I think Barbara Boxer’s not performed very well in that job. Two, she’s very vulnerable. I can see several congressmen, some business people. I think that will be a popular seat to run for. The big unknown, of course, is whether the other senator (Democrat Dianne Feinstein) will come home and run for governor or whether Leon Panetta (White House chief of staff) will run for governor.

Q: What’s your guess?

A: It depends how much Sen. Feinstein likes being in the minority in the Senate. I can’t imagine that being a fun place to be.

Q: This assumes the Senate stays in Republican hands.

A: I think that issue’s probably pretty well resolved.

Q: One of the Californians who will be in the spotlight during the convention is San Diego Mayor Susan Golding. There has been speculation she might be a candidate for governor or the Senate in 1998. Do you see that?

A: You’d have to ask her. It’s not something I’ve thought about. Frankly, I don’t have any special inside information. She’s done a reasonably good job in San Diego, as mayor, and is popular there.

Q: What about Wilson’s future? Might he run for the Senate in ‘98?

A: I would doubt it. He was a senator. He was one of the best senators during the time Ronald Reagan was president, a strong voice for California and a good vote on defense issues, which were critical in those times. But once you’ve done the job, maybe that’s enough. I don’t know what his plans are, but he’s young enough to have a great political future, certainly until the end of the century.

Q: That could include a potential run for the presidency if . . .

A: I wouldn’t be surprised to see him run for president in 2000. I think he’s still the right age and probably still has the desire.

Q: Have you thought about running for office yourself?

A: I have thought about it. I’m 57 years old, and it’s not in my plans.

Q: What about Ross Perot and his Reform Party? Is he going to be a nuisance or is there a potential for hurting one of the major candidates, specifically Dole?

A: I think it’s too early to tell. In 1992, he took away 19 million voters, mainly Republicans. He hurt a lot. Bill Clinton wouldn’t have been president if Ross Perot were not in the race. I think his time has come and gone. He won’t have that kind of influence again. I think he has the potential to be a spoiler. The more interesting race, I guess, would be Ralph Nader running on the Green ticket. We’re projecting that he will pull anywhere between 7% and 10% of the vote, primarily Democrats. I think he has the potential to hurt Clinton more than Perot has the potential to hurt Bob Dole.

Q: There are now eight recognized political parties in California: Do you see the party system splintering or reshaping itself in some fashion?

A: I’ve heard that point being made many times, that the parties are becoming less important. I’m of the opposing view. I believe the parties are becoming more and more important, and what is driving it are term limits. With term limits, the historical knowledge or the continuity is going to reside in the parties versus the candidates. I like parties that stand for different things and have strong minority voices. I think that’s healthy for politics--change, reform. I didn’t used to believe in term limits, but I’m a big believer in term limits now.