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A Team That’s Ready to Govern

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Linda A. DiVall is president of a public-research firm and was a senior advisor to Bob Dole's 1996 presidential campaign

Texas Gov. George W. Bush ended months of speculation when he selected Dick Cheney as his running mate. What does this important first decision say about Bush, and how will GOP delegates greet his choice in Philadelphia this week?

Knowing his first presidential decision would receive exhaustive coverage from the national media, Bush knocked it out of the park. Cheney is not only a rock-solid conservative with impeccable credentials--as former White House chief of staff, GOP congressional leader, defensesecretary, a major strategist of Operation Desert Storm and business executive--but he fulfills the most important criteria: He is fully capable of serving as president. When George W. introduced Cheney in Austin, Texas, on Tuesday, he said Cheney was “a man of great integrity, sound judgment and experience.” That is inarguable.

But this choice says something more about Bush and addresses perhaps the most substantial complaint against the Republican Party since it took over Congress in 1994: its capacity to govern. The governor has said he wants a strong, trustworthy, loyal and experienced vice president to provide him quiet, sage advice. Cheney clearly satisfies these desires. He is skillful in listening and offering advice behind the scenes. While deeply conservative, he is well-respected across the philosophical spectrum. He understands Congress and the institution of the White House. He consistently emerges as the calm voice of reason with clear, unwavering convictions. Bush has been able to observe Cheney over the last 20 years and clearly likes what he has seen. The Bush-Cheney ticket will be a formidable electoral force with few, if any, glaring weaknesses.

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While Cheney is not a running mate who contributes to the ticket’s electoral-college calculus, he will help accentuate Bush’s distinct advantages over Gore. Our recent survey of 800 likely voters, conducted July 23-25, shows Bush leading Gore 46%-38%, with definite Bush voters (37%) nearly matching Gore’s total vote. One striking finding is the clear advantages Bush possesses over Gore on several key attributes. On the leadership dimension, Bush has a 54%-27% margin over Gore; on the attribute of “will bring honesty and integrity to the White House,” Bush leads Gore 44%-32%. These advantages should be amplified with the addition of Cheney to the ticket.

What was noteworthy in the first 48 hours after the announcement was that no complaints were registered by the pro-choice GOP community, and no Democratic partisan of national stature tore Cheney down. You simply cannot argue that Cheney is an extremist, which takes away one of the Democrats tired campaign charges.

What are we to make of the Democratic charges against Cheney’s congressional record? First, no Democrat of national stature is taking Cheney on. Leon E. Panetta, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton, was quoted as saying that Cheney is an excellent choice. Cheney will be judged, I believe, by the depth of his experience and his introduction to the voters in the coming weeks rather than by a few select votes from the 1980s. Cheney is pro-life, but so was Al Gore in the ‘80s; Cheney is pro-gun, but so was Gore in the ‘80s.

I had the opportunity to conduct a focus group with ticket-splitters who are likely general-election voters on the Monday before Bush’s announcement. Their perception of Cheney as a potential running mate was a clear positive. They liked his expertise in the international arena, the personal strength he exudes, his core convictions, his congressional experience and his comprehensive resume. But perhaps the most significant comment registered by the focus group was that the Bush-Cheney team would be ready to govern from day one and that no honeymoon adjustment period would be necessary. That is precisely the effect intended.

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