Auf Wiedersehen, we hope

SAY THIS ABOUT CHANCELLOR Gerhard Schroeder: He is a strong closer. Long written off as a sure loser in the Sept. 18 election, Germany’s leader is now inching up in the polls, hoping to pull off an upset victory akin to his come-from-behind 2002 win. At the very least, he’d like to deny the conservative Christian Democratic Union an outright victory and force it into a coalition government.

We are not in the habit of endorsing candidates in foreign elections, but if the German people decide to grant Schroeder a prolonged vacation, let’s just say the United States, and much of Europe outside of France, stands to benefit.

The only reason the election is turning into a cliffhanger is that Angela Merkel, the leader of the CDU, has not inspired much confidence. The idea of a female candidate from the eastern part of the country has its appeal, but Merkel is not known either for her charisma or her savvy on economic issues.

Schroeder has been trying for years, with limited success, to liberalize Europe’s largest economy by forcing his Social Democratic Party and its trade union allies to accept a modest rollback of some of Germany’s vast -- now unaffordable -- social protections.

In contrast to that of Britain and the Netherlands, Germany’s rigid labor marketplace (companies are hesitant to hire given the cost and difficulty in cutting workers) hobbles the country with perennially high unemployment rates.

Fifteen years after unification, eastern Germany continues to lag the west, and the former communist sector should play a decisive role in the Sept. 18 balloting. A new leftist party that peddles nostalgia for the deceased German Democratic Republic and an anti-globalization message has gained traction and could help rob the CDU of an absolute majority.

In August 2002, when Schroeder found himself behind in the polls on the eve of the election, he helped himself by lambasting the Bush administration’s “adventurism” and preemptively opposing any military action against Saddam Hussein, even if approved by the United Nations. Regardless of one’s views on the war, the timing and vehemence of Schroeder’s stance were reckless and counterproductive, given the signal he sent to Baghdad.

Schroeder’s willingness to antagonize the United States in order to salvage his political career also served to solidify the German-French partnership at the heart of European Union politics. The opposition of these two countries to needed reforms -- Berlin’s backing of agricultural policies that benefit France at the expense of German taxpayers and the developing world is a moral outrage -- is one reason so many Europeans are disillusioned with the alliance these days.

A government headed by Merkel would likely distance itself from Paris, heal the relationship with Washington and ally itself with British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other European leaders eager to reform the Continent’s ossified policies. That’s a change worth endorsing.