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U.S. Should Jump at This Chance to Resolve the Palestinian Issue

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Edward Abington is a former U.S. consul general in Jerusalem and a political consultant to the Palestinian Authority. Amjad Atallah is a former legal advisor to the PLO's negotiating team and to former Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas' government.

The U.S. government has missed many opportunities to bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to a close. But with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat now hospitalized in Paris and widely believed to be critically ill, a new window of opportunity has presented itself -- and whoever wins Tuesday’s election will need to move quickly. This is the best time to return U.S. policy to its goal of creating a Palestinian state side by side with Israel on the territory occupied by Israel in 1967.

Over the last year, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has persuaded the U.S. government to effectively abandon the so-called road map peace plan, which called for the creation of a Palestinian state and a comprehensive settlement of the conflict by 2005. In its place, U.S. officials now blindly support Sharon as he moves toward creation of a long-term interim arrangement based on the concept of a Gaza mini-state potentially linked to islands of West Bank cities while Israel completes its integration of the remainder of the West Bank.

The excuse for this radical change in policy has been Arafat. Until Arafat is out of the picture, both President Bush and Sharon have said, meaningful negotiations cannot continue; hence, the wall, the disengagement and the stalemate.

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But now, the excuse for inaction is lying in a Paris hospital, and day-to-day policymaking is shifting back to the Palestinian institutions with the mandate to run Palestinian affairs. The Palestine Liberation Organization has the legal mandate from the Arab League, is recognized by the United Nations to represent Palestinian interests worldwide and is authorized to exercise sovereignty on behalf of the Palestinian people. Arafat is still PLO chairman, but decisions are made through the Executive Committee, which includes the No. 2 man in the organization, Mahmoud Abbas. Its primary popular mandate is to negotiate an end to the occupation.

On the other hand, agreements between Israel and the PLO give the Palestinian Authority the legal mandate to exercise a measure of administration over Palestinian affairs until the occupation ends. Its primary popular mandate is to develop the infrastructure of a democratic state in anticipation of an end to the occupation. Arafat is still president of the PA, but the Palestinian Basic Law -- the Palestinian constitution, in effect -- has already devolved much authority to the post of the prime minister and his Cabinet, which are responsible to the Palestinian Legislative Council.

The U.S. now has the opportunity to put its money (or its policy) where its mouth is. If Washington’s goal is to truly bring peace and democracy to the region, provide security for Israel and promote U.S. national interests in the area, it is time to provide those Palestinians who seek an end of conflict the chance to do so.

This does not mean embracing them in photo ops while humiliating them through support for policies that only further anger Palestinians, as was done last year when Abbas, then prime minister, was in charge. What moderate Palestinians need is a visible political process leading to a defined end of the conflict.

As soon as possible after Tuesday’s elections, the American president should appoint an envoy who will reflect by his or her stature the U.S. commitment to bring this conflict to a close. But an envoy without a policy would be useless.

Simultaneously, the U.S. should officially articulate, preferably in tandem with the U.N., Russia and the European Union, the parameters for a permanent status agreement. These should be specific on all permanent status issues, including borders, settlements, Jerusalem, refugees and water (many of which have been dealt with in formal negotiations and peace attempts, such as the Geneva Accord). This way, Israelis and Palestinians alike would see that attempts to prejudice an agreement through “facts on the ground,” whether settlement construction or violence, would marginalize extremists rather than reward them.

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Furthermore, the U.S. should endorse Palestinian national elections that could help provide a popular mandate to Palestinian officials to take the steps necessary for an end to the conflict. Today, only Arafat has such a mandate. A new combination of “old guard” and “young guard” will need elections to provide them with a similar capacity while the idea of two states still has any meaning for the majority of Israelis and Palestinians.

It is time for peace, and the United States must lead the way. No more excuses.

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