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Move Seems to Give Reagan Stronger Hand in Congress

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Times Staff Writers

President Reagan’s imposition of economic sanctions on South Africa appeared to strengthen his hand in Congress on Monday, but angry Democrats and liberal Republicans vowed to push through tougher sanctions of their own.

The Republican-controlled Senate, which earlier appeared to be on the verge of easily passing anti-apartheid legislation already approved by the House, voted instead to block action on the package.

Despite at least a temporary setback, Sen. Alan Cranston (D-Calif.), floor manager for the measure, predicted that it will eventually be approved. And he vowed to bottle up action later this month on “must pass” money bills, if necessary, to keep GOP leaders from putting the sanctions bill in mothballs.

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The developments capped a day in which the fate of the anti-apartheid bill--only a few days ago championed by key Republicans as well as Democrats and considered certain to reach Reagan’s desk over his objections--seemed to fluctuate widely.

Although they had originally been instrumental in the congressional move to press Pretoria for racial reforms, Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole (R-Kan.) and Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.) argued that Reagan’s action renders passage of the legislation unnecessary.

But critics, including Rep. William H. Gray III (D-Pa.), asserted that Reagan’s anti-apartheid program is inferior to that of Congress and will disappoint South African blacks while raising the spirits of the white-minority government, which had been braced for worse.

“It will play well in Pretoria,” Gray, prime sponsor of the legislation in the House, said. But he added, “It will not play well in Soweto,” the black township outside Johannesburg.

In addition, Gray accused Reagan of forcing fellow Republicans to side with “institutionalized racism” and said the President was “displaying total insensitivity and blindness” to the needs of oppressed blacks.

But Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.), a conservative hard-liner who last month began a filibuster against the bill, hailed Reagan’s action as preferable to the congressional version of sanctions, which he asserted would weaken South Africa’s pro-Western government.

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“It will clear the decks so that . . . the Senate can spend its time on issues of real concern instead of spinning its wheels on irrelevant issues,” Helms said.

The Filibuster’s Role

Helms’ filibuster was at the center of the latest legislative wrangling. Most Senate Republicans and Democrats had been expected to support a cloture vote Monday, a move that would have broken the filibuster by limiting debate.

Once that was done, the Senate had been expected to vote overwhelmingly later in the week to send the bill to the President’s desk--setting the stage for a threatened veto and a subsequent vote to override it, something that would have embarrassed Reagan.

But after the President’s announcement Monday, Republican leaders switched sides and successfully fought cloture, which fell seven votes short of the 60 needed. Dole explained that his maneuver would prevent immediate passage but would keep the bill on ice so that it could be quickly revived if Reagan failed to follow through with the actions he ordered.

Nevertheless, a dozen Republicans joined 41 Democrats in voting to force action on the sanctions legislation, including many GOP members up for reelection next year.

After Monday’s vote, Cranston moved immediately to force another cloture vote Wednesday, when he said that 14 senators not yet back from Congress’ summer recess will be on hand.

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But even if Wednesday’s vote fails, Cranston vowed to “keep this matter before the Senate in one way or another.”

Democratic Threats

Cranston and other Democrats threatened to attempt to tack sanctions provisions onto important measures raising the national debt ceiling and appropriating money to run several government agencies next fiscal year, actions that must be taken by the end of the month. Because of the urgent nature of such legislation, it would be difficult for Reagan to veto it without seriously disrupting government operations.

Supporters and critics of the President differed widely about the sufficiency of the actions he announced.

Dole insisted that Reagan had “in effect adopted” the program of penalties contemplated by Congress. And the Rev. Jerry Falwell, founder of the conservative Moral Majority, said, “A careful look at the President’s ‘sanctions’ reveals that it is relatively painless and mild under the given circumstances.”

Nonetheless, many Democrats said they were unconvinced. House Speaker Thomas P. (Tip) O’Neill Jr. (D-Mass.) said Reagan’s proposals are “chock full of loopholes,” while Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) called the President’s sanctions “ill-conceived,” “ill-advised” and “insufficient.”

Elsewhere, civil rights leader Jesse Jackson criticized Reagan’s move as a “desperate attempt to rescue a failed policy and block action by the Senate.” And Randall Robinson, director of TransAfrica, who has been a leader in the daily protests at the South African Embassy here, said the President’s order “serves as a rebuke to all of those who are working for a more appropriate policy toward South Africa.”

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SANCTIONS FOR SOUTH AFRICA Provisions of President Reagan’s executive order compared to the provisions of the pending congressional bill:

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Bank Loans

Bans U.S. bank loans to the South African government or its entities, effective Nov. 11, except loans for educational, housing or health care facilities accessible to members of all races or loans deemed to “improve the welfare” or expand economic opportunities of South Africans disadvantaged by apartheid.

SANCTIONS BILL

The same, except that the bill would not make an exception for loans that “improve the welfare” of blacks.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Computer Technology

Bans, effective Oct. 11, the sale of computer technology to the military, the police, the prison system and the national security agencies, the authorities that administer black “pass” laws or any other agency enforcing apartheid, either in South Africa or in the nominally independent black “homelands.”

SANCTIONS BILL

Essentially the same.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Nuclear Technology

Bans, effective Oct. 11, the sale of nuclear technology to South Africa except for assistance to help South Africa meet International Atomic Energy Safeguards or technical programs for reducing proliferation risks or for exports the secretary of state certifies are necessary for “humanitarian reasons to protect the public health and safety.”

SANCTIONS BILL

Bans any nuclear cooperation with South Africa until the Pretoria government signs the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which it has not done.

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EXECUTIVE ORDER

Arms Imports

Prohibits, effective Oct. 11, importation into the United States of arms, ammunition or military vehicles manufactured by South Africa.

SANCTIONS BILL

No provision on this subject.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Export Assistance

Bans, effective Dec. 31, export assistance to any U.S. company employing more than 25 people in South Africa that does not adhere to the so-called Sullivan Principles prohibiting discrimination in the workplace. The secretary of state is authorized to establish rules to determine when a company is in compliance.

SANCTIONS BILL

The same, except that the bill would require establishment of a special committee to determine if companies are in compliance.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Procurement

Directs U.S. government agencies operating in South Africa to increase their purchases of goods from businesses owned by non-whites.

SANCTIONS BILL

No provision on this matter.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Krugerrands

Calls for consultation between the United States and its allies with a view toward banning the sale of Krugerrand coins, provided this can be done under the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, The Administration previously argued that the GATT rules would block such a prohibition.

SANCTIONS BILL

Prohibits importation of Krugerrands without consideration of GATT rules.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

Minting Coins

Directs the secretary of the treasury to study the possibility of minting U.S. gold coins.

SANCTIONS BILL

Calls for the Treasury to mint four coins containing one ounce, one-half ounce, one-fourth ounce and one-tenth ounce of gold, with a value of $50, $25, $10 and $5.

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EXECUTIVE ORDER

Scholarships

Increases to $8 million the funding for scholarships for non-white South Africans and increases, to $1.5 million, U.S. support for human rights programs.

SANCTIONS BILL

Calls for scholarships but provides that recognized black organizations in South Africa are to determine the allocation of half the funds.

EXECUTIVE ORDER

The Future

Creates an advisory committee on South Africa to recommend measures to encourage peaceful change in South Africa. The committee is directed to issue its initial report within 12 months.

SANCTIONS BILL

Requires additional sanctions in 12 months unless the President can certify significant progress toward ending apartheid.

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