President to Meet Gorbachev Today : Reagan May Accept Tradeoff on ‘Star Wars,’ Also Offer Afghanistan Plan

President Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev prepared Monday for the first face-to-face encounter of their historic two-day summit amid indications that U.S. strategists have worked out an approach that could end the current impasse over “Star Wars” and clear the way for progress on arms control.

Under the new U.S. approach, described by Administration officials only hours after Gorbachev landed here with a pledge to pursue efforts “to halt the unprecedented arms race,” Reagan might accept continued restrictions on work on his “Star Wars” program if Moscow would agree that research on the controversial anti-missile system is permitted under the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.

And, while still expressing doubt that a major breakthrough on arms control can be achieved here, Administration officials said they will enter the first round of summit talks today with hopes that an approach they have prepared for removing Soviet troops from Afghanistan--while guaranteeing the future security of Pakistan--may win Kremlin acceptance.

Such an agreement could become a model for settling other regional conflicts, including Nicaragua, the officials said.

Soviet Signal Awaited

Yet, while U.S. officials indicated that Reagan is prepared to be flexible both on “Star Wars,” technically called the Strategic Defense Initiative, and on regional conflicts, Administration tactics call for holding back until the Soviets send a signal that they are prepared to work toward compromises on major issues.

“The President has no interest in a general document with a lot of pieties and nothing specific or concrete,” said a Reagan aide. “He would rather have nothing than that.”

Administration officials said this waiting-game approach has been adopted because the White House is convinced that the enormously popular Reagan can better afford to go home empty-handed than can Gorbachev, who is seen as needing at least modest success here to consolidate his newly acquired position.

Arthur A. Hartman, the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, said that when Gorbachev goes before the Communist Party Congress in February to have his selection as general secretary ratified, he wants to be able to point to the summit as an example of how he is capable of dealing successfully with foreign affairs.

“It’s time for the other side to be forthcoming,” said one Administration official. “The ball is in their court.”

“There could be agreement in principle that research is permitted (on SDI), and that (agreement) could be referred to negotiators” representing the United States and the Soviet Union at the Geneva arms control talks, the official said. Such a statement “could facilitate things” in terms of eliciting concessions from the U.S. side, he added.

The President will be looking for any Soviet move away from the hard-line positions the Soviets took during the Moscow visit of Secretary of State George P. Shultz two weeks ago.

In particular, he will be looking for three possible Soviet concessions:

--That fundamental research could be conducted in the SDI program without violating the 1972 ABM treaty. In an interview with Time magazine, Gorbachev indicated that such research might be permissible, though more recently he has insisted on a total ban on the program.

--That the Soviets would not insist on counting intermediate-range U.S. missiles and bombers as part of America’s intercontinental nuclear arsenal, as the current Kremlin arms control proposal does. The Soviets have proposed a 50% cut in all missiles capable of hitting the other superpower’s territory, a proposal that would reduce the U.S. missiles deployed in Europe--which can strike the Soviet Union--but not the Soviet intermediate-range missiles targeted on Europe.

--That the intermediate-range missile negotiation could be split off from the current Geneva arms control talks, where it is being considered along with long-range offensive nuclear weapons and space weapons issues.

The President, according to officials, is prepared to “address Soviet concerns” about the Strategic Defense Initiative.

When Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard A. Shevardnadze visited the White House in September, he expressed Soviet fears that a U.S. space shield would be an offensive rather than a defensive weapon system.

Moscow’s reasoning is that the United States could launch a surprise nuclear missile attack and then rely on the space defense system to protect this country from a Soviet retaliatory strike, which would be able to muster far fewer weapons after the U.S. first strike had taken its toll.

In the Oval Office, Reagan responded at the time by insisting that the United States historically has not been aggressive and, in particular, that when America alone possessed the atomic bomb after World War II, it did not use this military superiority to destroy the Soviet Union.

This argument was apparently not persuasive to the Soviets, in view of the continued propaganda barrage on this point. So, here in Geneva, Reagan is expected to tell Gorbachev that Moscow should be reassured by the Administration’s offer to share the fruits of the Strategic Defense Initiative, if it works, and to consult with the Soviets in an effort to build such shields simultaneously so that neither side would have an advantage.

‘Narrow’ Interpretation

If the Soviets are prepared to legitimize SDI research under the ABM treaty, the official said, Reagan might be prepared to discuss extending his current “narrow” interpretation of that treaty.

Some Administration officials contended last month that although the ABM treaty prohibits “testing, development and deployment” of anti-missile systems, that does not apply to “new physical concepts” that were not considered feasible when the treaty was signed. National security adviser Robert C. McFarlane appeared to suggest that, legally, the United States could proceed to test space-based defensive weapons.

But when that interpretation drew heated criticism on grounds that it could undermine the entire treaty, Reagan relented and said he would abide by a narrow interpretation of the treaty that would permit only research.

On regional conflicts, to be taken up Wednesday, the President’s talking points suggest that he deal first with Afghanistan, and if it is amenable to resolution, it might be the model for attacking the other four identified conflicts--Angola, Cambodia, Ethiopia and Nicaragua.

Would Note Casualties

If he follows his staff’s guidance, the official said, Reagan will note the casualties being suffered by Soviet troops during their six-year occupation of Afghanistan, cite the huge and potentially restless Muslim population of the neighboring Soviet republics in Central Asia and recall Moscow’s stated desire to get out.

Washington, in turn, is concerned about the security of Pakistan. So one possible scenario for the future would be Soviet withdrawal and creation of an acceptable Afghan government, followed by suspension of U.S. aid to Afghan rebels and Soviet guarantees of Pakistan’s borders.

While the outcome of all this U.S. planning depends on a host of imponderables, including both Soviet attitudes and the way Reagan decides to play his hand once direct talks begin, the atmosphere in the hours leading up to the two leaders’ encounter seemed more positive than it had in recent weeks.

Gorbachev Arrival

Arriving here at noon Monday, Gorbachev declared that the “first and foremost” issue will be “the question of what can be done to halt the unprecedented arms race in the world and its extension to new spheres, to relieve mankind of the threat of nuclear war and to ensure peace and further fruitful cooperation between the peoples.”

Reagan aides said it is significant that Gorbachev--who has frequently insisted that no progress can be made in arms control unless Reagan abandons his Strategic Defense Initiative--referred to it only indirectly, in the phrase “new spheres.”

For his part, Reagan believes his meeting with Gorbachev “can be a watershed” in U.S.-Soviet relations, according to White House spokesman Larry Speakes.

Speakes said the President thinks that if he and Gorbachev hear each other out and better understand each other, they can establish a solid foundation for a dialogue that may determine “whether a more stable peace can be achieved.”

It was cold and bleak as Gorbachev, dressed in an overcoat, scarf and hat, arrived at the airport in Geneva with his wife, Raisa, who was clad in a full-length gray coat with fur collar and gray hat.

Bantering Mood

After a brief airport welcoming ceremony, Gorbachev, in an obviously upbeat and bantering mood, was whisked away in a motorcade to the Soviet Mission, where he spoke to employees of the mission, their families and some of his staff members who were waiting outside his quarters to welcome him and his wife.

Gorbachev, who had sniffled in the cold and dabbed at his nose with a bright red handkerchief at the airport, mentioned the freezing weather and declared, “I know we can’t change the weather but we certainly should change the international climate.”

And, he told the Soviet workers, “Don’t expect a raise since you’re living in a resort.” Then, turning to Shevardnadze, Gorbachev added, “But ask him for a raise because he’s the new foreign minister and it’s easier to ask a new man.”

On a serious note, the Soviet leader told the mission staff: “There’s a lot to be done both in our country back home and here in Geneva and we intend to work very seriously. We came here to seek a positive result.

“We know we are strong. First and foremost we are strong in spirit. There are no other people in the world who have such a spirit or devotion to their own country,” he said.

According to the summit schedule, Reagan will arrive first today at Fleur d’Eau, the 18th-Century stone villa that U.S. officials chose as the site for the first day’s talks. The Wednesday sessions will take place at the Soviet Mission to the United Nations’ Geneva offices.

As host of today’s meetings, Reagan will greet Gorbachev on the steps of the Swiss villa. Then the two leaders will adjourn to a cozy library for a 15-minute private chat before a crackling fire, with only their interpreters present.

Speakes called this first encounter “an opportunity for the two to size each other up, to establish personal relationships.”

In a separate room, the U.S. and Soviet negotiating teams will have what Speakes called “an informal stand-up discussion.”

Although Reagan has been known for his hard-line attitude toward the Soviet Union, calling it “the evil empire,” officials said the President’s opinions has been tempered over the last few months as a result of his pre-summit reading and preparation.

Reagan has talked often of the importance he attaches to establishing personal rapport with Gorbachev. McFarlane said Reagan views his opening statement as a chance to dispel the Soviet “sense of being threatened” by the United States.

But Reagan will also cover in his remarks “how we see our interests being threatened,” and how his Administration would like to “do business” in the future, national security adviser McFarlane said.

The eight hours of talks over two days are divided into four two-hour sessions.

Overview Presentations

This morning was set aside for overview presentations by both sides. Today’s afternoon session will be devoted exclusively to arms control, while Wednesday morning has been designated for discussion of “regional and other issues.” It is during this session that Reagan is likely to raise U.S. concerns about the Soviet human rights record.

Wednesday afternoon is reserved for bilateral issues, the most promising area of the summit with agreements expected on cultural exchanges, air safety and new consulates in Kiev and New York.