U.S. Plan Calls for Ban on Nuclear Arms in Europe, 50% Cut in SS-20s in Asia

In response to the Soviet Union’s recent proposal to ban nuclear weapons by the end of the century, the White House has settled on the outlines of a plan that calls for the elimination of all Soviet and U.S. missiles in Europe and a 50% cut in Soviet SS-20 missiles in Asia, Administration officials said Friday.

The Administration’s proposal also rejects a Soviet demand that French and British arsenals be frozen while U.S. and Soviet missiles are being removed from Europe.

The details of the plan could change in response to European and Asian allies, but an Administration official reported “good vibes out of London” as Paul H. Nitze, Reagan’s top arms control adviser, embarked on a tour of European capitals to discuss the proposal.

Veteran arms negotiator Edward L. Rowny is carrying the same proposal to Asian nations. Both men left Washington on Wednesday, the day after President Reagan, in his State of the Union address, assailed the Soviet “drive for domination.”

The new approach, first reported Friday in the New York Times, adopts Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s suggestion that the superpowers eliminate all missiles in Europe. But, although Gorbachev proposed an eventual reduction in Soviet medium-range SS-20 missiles in Asia, the White House plan calls for an immediate 50% cut.

Previously, the Administration had sought “proportional” cuts in Asia, which was interpreted to mean that the Soviet missile force in Asia would be reduced as U.S. and Soviet missiles were cleared from Europe, with the ultimate goal of eliminating intermediate-range missiles in Asia as well as Europe.

Aim to Assure Allies

The new U.S. position, which would accelerate the Asian missile reduction, appears to be an attempt to assure not only the European nations that are within range of Soviet Asian-based missiles but Japan and China. Both those Asian governments have made the Administration aware of their fears of Soviet nuclear missiles.

Administration officials believe that half the missiles can be left in place on an interim basis without compromising the European allies.

“It depends on how you count them and where you draw the line,” said one official.

One idea has been to insist that Soviet SS-20s be moved east of 80-degree longitude, well into Siberia, rather than just east of the Ural Mountains, to reduce the threat of missiles that would be barely outside geographic Europe.

The new proposal, developed by the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, strikes a middle ground between the positions advanced by Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and Secretary of State George P. Shultz.

Weinberger, Shultz Views

Weinberger, who viewed Gorbachev’s proposal as mainly a public-relations gesture, argued that it did not deserve a response. Shultz wanted to go further than the arms agency by proposing to reaffirm the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, to restrain medium-range weapons in Europe and possibly to ban mobile missiles.

While the arms agency approach is expected to be modified and could include some elements of the Shultz proposal, an Administration official said it is the focus of discussion and not simply one of three options before the allies.

“We’re not putting three proposals on the table and saying, ‘Pick one,’ ” the official said.

Unlike much of the routine consultation with the allies, the current missions of Nitze and Rowny are considered essential steps in developing a response to the Gorbachev proposal, which took the White House by surprise when it was disclosed Jan. 15.

“What we’re talking about is their (European) security--missiles on their continent and Soviet missiles pointed at them,” said an official. “We have to take their wishes into account.”

Response Weeks Away

Nitze and Rowny are not expected to return until the end of next week, which means that a formal response to Gorbachev is still some weeks away.

The decision to go with Option Two, as it is called within the Administration, was made at a National Security Planning Group meeting at the White House last Friday. According to an Administration source, Adm. William J. Crowe Jr., chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, immediately favored the approach but questioned whether it would give the Soviets “a free ride” in keeping their forces in Asia.

Even as Administration officials refined their response to Gorbachev, they acknowledged that the biggest obstacle to an arms-control agreement remains Soviet insistence that Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative, commonly known as “Star Wars,” be linked to any discussions.

Reagan has said repeatedly that he will not trade away his “Star Wars” system of space-based missile defense or use it as a bargaining chip in arms-control negotiations.