Haiti’s ‘Common Folk’ Hold the Key : Renewal Depends on Those Who Put Their Lives on the Line

I live on the edge of Miami’s “Little Haiti,” and at dawn Friday I was awakened by car horns and joyous cries. Unlike the false alarm of the previous week, this time the cause for celebration was for real: After more than a quarter of a century of rule, the Duvalier family had left Haiti.

Now that the first flush of deliverance has worn off, there are questions: Who will fill the vacuum left by Duvalier’s departure? What are the chances of a democratic revolution? Will Haiti now begin moving down the road to development?

Political democratization and economic development, such as Haiti has never seen before, could finally be real possibilities; Haiti could reverse its legacy as one of the world’s worst human-rights violators and most corrupt, underdeveloped economies.

Haiti also could continue on the path of Duvalierism without Duvalier, under another government designed to enrich the governors rather than serve the masses.

There are four key groups that will determine which route Haiti takes, and each has a different perspective.

The first group consists of the Duvalier loyalists. Jean-Claude Duvalier is gone, but his people remain in charge, having four out of five positions on the civilian-military junta. For Haiti to realize its new-found dream, the old guard will have to relinquish power. They are too closely identified with the abuses of the past.

Then there are the would-be leaders whom Duvalier repressed or exiled. One of them, Gerard Gourgue, is the only non-Duvalierist on the new junta. Many others were released from Haitian prisons over the weekend; most are still outside the country, anxiously watching for signs that they can return.

Most observers believe that leaders from this group are the most likely to provide Haiti with political democracy and economic development.

I disagree. None of them has a significant organizational base or popular following within the country. They are all cut off from the vast majority of the Haitian people. They have little concrete knowledge of, or experience with, drawing in the common folk to create a true democracy.

The third and fourth groups offer the greatest democratic potential for Haiti.

The third group consists of the nearly 1 million exiled Haitians who are unorganized and without political pretensions for themselves. They do, however, have new political expectations created by their common experience outside Haiti in countries where persecution and corruption are the exception rather than the norm. The simplest and commonest Haitian refugee readily expresses his respect and appreciation for the civil liberties and economic opportunities that he has enjoyed in the United States, Canada or France.

These exiles are waiting, trying to determine what direction the junta will take. Will it rid itself of the old Duvalierists or will it be more of the same? If these exiles receive encouraging reports and return home, they will not tolerate a continuation of irresponsible and unresponsive government. There must be a truly free press and freedom to organize, including labor unions and political parties of all persuasions. And the government must eliminate the corruption so pervasive in Haiti’s history.

The last group, and probably the most important, is within Haiti. They are the students, young people and others who played a prominent role in the disruptions leading to Duvalier’s downfall. Their presence surprised many observers. They were not members of the recognized opposition. They had not had a previous public role in politics. They are the new common folk of Haiti. They have experienced the beginnings of development, urbanization and modern consumer tastes, but the old regime only whetted their appetite. Duvalier’s policies brought these people into the towns and cities, but it did not provide them with a way to earn money to enjoy the fruits of development.

Many had been involved in grass-roots development projects, cooperatives and skill-training centers. When these small groups achieved any modicum of success, the government and its henchmen, the Tontons Macoutes, went after them. These people soon learned that, at least in Duvalier’s Haiti, economics and politics were inseparable.

A few weeks ago they began taking to the streets. This form of political action occurred only because the military permitted it. In most of the demonstrations and riots, the military stood on the sidelines, observing but not intervening in the destruction and looting. The military seemed to have decided against Duvalier and with the people in the streets.

Now that Duvalier has departed, this last group hopes to return to their own efforts at development--small-scale, but effective grass-roots projects. They also will demand an end to government corruption and inefficiency. One of the best ways to attain this would be to draw upon their experience and development skills and incorporate them into the new government.

These last two groups--the unorganized, ostensibly nonpolitical exiles and street demonstrators--carry the real hopes for Haitian democracy and economic development. Their alienation can be overcome with concrete, directed policies that fulfill the essence of political democracy and economic development. Rather than either a continuation from the old Duvalier elite or the substitution of a new elite for the old, a better future for Haiti lies in attending to the needs and new expectations of the common folk.