Aid Vote Commits U.S. to Contras’ War in Nicaragua : Reagan Willingness to Adjust Won Key Shifts

Even before he received a telephone call from President Reagan last Monday, Rep. Albert G. Bustamente (D-Tex.), a longtime fence-sitter on the contras aid issue, already had decided to support the Administration’s latest proposal to supply military assistance to the Nicaraguan rebels.

“I’ve always been for contra aid,” explained Bustamente, who had been lobbied unsuccessfully on the issue by Reagan on at least two previous occasions. “I just needed some sort of structured policy to support. I think we now have a structured policy.”

Bustamente was one of 11 previous opponents of the aid--six Democrats and five Republicans--who threw their support behind the Administration’s $100-million aid request on Wednesday night, giving the President a stunning victory.

White House officials claim Reagan’s extraordinary personal charm and popularity were responsible for turning these lawmakers around. The President met separately with 10 House members in the Oval Office during the past week and telephoned 20 others--including four who received calls from Air Force One only hours before the watershed vote.

“I honestly think that it was the personal persuasion of the President in the Oval Office,” said White House Deputy Press Secretary Larry Speakes.

But according to many of those who switched their votes, the real change-of-heart was on the part of the President. What finally won House approval of the aid, they indicate, was Reagan’s willingness to compromise with this small group of House moderates who earlier this year had borne the brunt of an extremely confrontational lobbying drive by the White House.

Crafted for Moderates

Unlike Reagan’s earlier aid requests, the package that passed the House by a vote of 221 to 209 was carefully crafted to appeal to the moderates such as Bustamente who had been demanding a more comprehensive approach to the problems of Central America.

“I contend that I did not change my mind,” said Rep. John G. Rowland (R-Conn.), one of the 11. “I think the President has come a long way from saying ‘We need contra aid, period.’ ”

The proposal grew out of more than a week of negotiations between Minority Leader Robert H. Michel (R-Ill.) and about 20 fence-sitting moderates. Reagan eventually embraced the plan and won over many of the moderates with a highly conciliatory television speech.

Reagan’s willingness to adopt a conciliatory tone certainly helped to change the mind of Rep. Mario Biaggi (D-N.Y.), who received a telephone call from Reagan on Air Force One. Biaggi told the President: “I wish we had more close votes so I could get to talk to you more often.”

Most of the 11 said they were persuaded to vote for the package primarily by Reagan’s willingness to include $300 million in economic assistance for Nicaragua’s four neighboring countries--Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica and Guatemala. Sources said Reagan took a risk by agreeing to the economic aid plan because it nearly lost him the support of some right-wing Republicans, including Rep. Mark D. Siljander of Michigan.

The Administration also agreed to answer the concerns of the moderates by adding language to the bill that would dole out the assistance in three increments, reserving until next year money for “heavy weapons;” establish a bipartisan commission to monitor peace negotiations in the region, and require that accounting procedures be established for administration of the aid.

“I never thought they would come up to $100 million and they came to $300 million,” said Rep. Richard Ray (D-Ga.). “I worked with the Republican leadership and they made concessions all along the way.”

Many moderate Republicans and Democrats have developed highly independent opinions about Central America by visiting the region themselves. Ray was one of 12 moderates led by Rep. Dave McCurdy (D-Okla.) who visited all five countries in Central America, including a contras base camp in Honduras, in early June.

After returning to Washington, the McCurdy group was approached by Michel about a possible compromise. The group held about a dozen meetings before the talks reached a stalemate, with McCurdy demanding $500 million in economic aid and Michel offering only $100 million.

Undaunted by this setback, the Republican leadership then unilaterally devised a plan designed to appeal to moderates. Three members of McCurdy’s group--Bustamente, Ray and Rep. Olympia J. Snowe (R-Me.)--were among those who eventually were won over by the GOP plan.

McCurdy, meanwhile, persuaded the Democratic leadership to accept a modified version of his proposal. Unlike the GOP compromise, McCurdy’s plan provided no military aid until a second affirmative vote by Congress next Oct. 1--one month before House members face reelection.

But the idea of another vote in October did not appeal to many moderates who were simply tired of being in the middle on the contras issue.

House members have battled repeatedly over contras aid since early 1984, when members first voted to halt military assistance after learning that the CIA had helped to mine a Nicaraguan harbor. With each vote, Reagan has picked up a few more votes for his request.

“There’s a certain fatigue on this issue,” said Rep. Thomas S. Foley (D-Wash.), assistant majority leader. “It’s been an erosion process. The prime factor was probably the persistence of the Administration.”

Times staff writer Eleanor Clift, in Santa Barbara, contributed to this story.