Bush Breaks Tie as Senate OKs Chemical Arms

Vice President George Bush Thursday cast a tie-breaking vote as the Senate approved U.S. production of a new generation of chemical weapons, the third time he has done so on this issue.

The 51-50 vote killed an effort by Sen. David Pryor (D-Ark.) to deny the Reagan Administration $56.8 million in fiscal 1987 to begin production of the so-called Bigeye bomb--one of two new binary chemical weapons the United States plans to produce in the near future.

Hatfield Proposal Loses

The Senate also voted 57 to 43 against a proposal by Sen. Mark O. Hatfield (R-Ore.) that would have effectively halted production of the other weapon in the new binary arsenal, the 155-millimeter artillery shell.

Both were proposed as amendments to a $301-billion defense spending bill for fiscal 1987, which begins Oct. 1. The measure includes $1.1 billion for all chemical defenses--$10 million less than the Administration had sought. The House is considering a comparable defense spending measure that provides only $10 million for the Bigeye.

Although Congress has voted on several previous occasions to produce binary weapons, the government is not scheduled to break its 17-year moratorium on chemical weapons production until Oct. 1, when the first 155-millimeter shell will be made. Unlike the existing unitary arsenal, binary weapons contain two liquids that are not lethal until mixed.

Twice in 1983, Bush cast tie-breaking votes to kill similar efforts in the Senate to stop chemical weapons production. At that time, he acknowledged that he cast his vote in favor of chemical weapons over the advice of his mother.

Technically, Bush’s vote was not needed Thursday because the Pryor proposal would have failed anyway on a vote of 50 to 50. A spokesman said the vice president acted as he did to “firmly establish the Administration’s position.” He has defended his past votes on the ground that the United States must modernize its aging chemical weapons arsenal.

Sen. Stennis Absent

Bush was summoned to the chamber after the Senate unexpectedly defeated, by a 50-49 vote, a motion to table the Pryor amendment, which would have effectively killed it. The only absent Senate member at the time was Sen. John C. Stennis (D-Miss.), also a supporter of chemical weapons.

On the second ballot, Stennis voted for the Bigeye, along with Bush.

Two others, Sens. David L. Boren (D-Okla.) and William V. Roth Jr. (R-Del.), cast votes in favor of the amendment, then switched under pressure from Bigeye supporters before the vote was recorded. The amendment would have succeeded had Boren and Roth held firm.

California’s senators split on the vote with Democrat Alan Cranston voting for the amendment and Republican Pete Wilson voting against it.

Weapon’s Performance

Pryor argued that Congress should not fund Bigeye production because General Accounting Office investigators have reported on several occasions that the weapon does not perform as specified. “We have another DIVAD on our hands,” he said, referring to the so-called Sgt. York air defense gun, which was canceled last year for similar reasons.

Hatfield’s amendment would have halted production of the 155-millimeter artillery shell on grounds that the Administration has not yet met conditions laid down in last year’s legislation requiring North Atlantic Treaty Organization approval of binary weapons in the alliance arsenal.

Although the NATO Defense Planning Committee approved binary weapons earlier this year, Hatfield argued that the legislation had required approval by the NATO Council, a group composed of foreign ministers, which has taken no such action. Hatfield asserted that the NATO Council opposes binary weapons because chemical warfare is unpopular in Europe.

Cohen’s Argument

Sen. William S. Cohen (R-Me.) argued that last year’s legislation was ambiguous and that NATO should not be given the right to veto U.S. policy. But even supporters such as Sen. Sam Nunn (D-Ga.) conceded that the weapon might prove to be inadequate.

“It might end up not being a bomb; it might be a bum,” Nunn said.

In addition, the Senate took the following actions:

--Voted 63 to 37 against an amendment offered by Sen. Dennis DeConcini (D-Ariz.) that would have imposed stringent restrictions on the transport and storage of shoulder-held, ground-to-air Stinger missiles that the United States gives to insurgent groups fighting Communist governments in Afghanistan, Angola and elsewhere.

Might Fall to Terrorists

DeConcini argued that, without the restrictions, the deadly missiles might fall into the hands of international terrorists. But opponents argued that it would effectively deny Stingers to the rebel groups.

“A vote for this amendment is tantamount to a vote against freedom fighters,” said Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.), chairman of the Armed Services Committee.

--Defeated by a vote of 51 to 49 an amendment by Sen. Frank R. Lautenberg (D-N.J.) that would have allowed U.S. servicemen to wear religious apparel, such as yarmulkes, while in uniform. Goldwater also spoke for the opponents of this amendment when he declared: “If you’re not happy in uniform, get out of uniform.”

--Approved by a vote of 58 to 40 a payment of $556.3 million to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to pay for satellite defense-related launching services. Although the Pentagon regularly provides such payments, the money was struck from the budget this year on the ground that there would be no defense launching in fiscal 1987. But NASA supporters said the cut amounted to punishing the agency at a time of crisis.

--Approved by a vote of 64 to 35 a “sense of the Congress” resolution written by Sens. Charles Mc. Mathias Jr. (R-Md.) and Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) calling on the President to submit two 1970s era test ban treaties to the Senate for ratification and to resume negotiations with the Soviets on a verifiable test ban treaty.