Few Bright Spots Lighten Salvador’s Mood

At the beginning of March the political campaign in El Salvador was at its most absurd. A Christian Democrat gave a fiery speech in a small town, accusing the right-wing Arena party of being a nest of murderers and kidnapers. “May the wrath of God fall upon me if I lie,” he concluded--and then he died of a heart attack. The following day a newspaper told its readers that God had passed judgment on a Christian Democrat.

Charges of all sorts were exchanged during the campaign, most of them justified, most of them unpunished by higher beings. The Christian Democratic cronies of President Jose Napoleon Duarte were accused of corruption and ineptitude. By the end of the campaign, Salvadorans had been told all the reasons not to vote for either party. On the day of the election, the recent memory of venality and mismanagement was more powerful than the somewhat older memory of kidnapings and murders. No positive project for the future seems to have played a role in the voters’ decisions.

Does this mean that there is no hope for El Salvador? That seems to be the general feeling. Salvadorans are voting with their feet. The outflow of humble Salvadorans to Los Angeles or Chicago continues, joined by more and more of the educated class. Now Australia is sponsoring family units for emigration, and with more applications than they can handle, the Australians can be selective. And they are. Only the best and the brightest are chosen. Young couples with university degrees who seem to be doing well in El Salvador are moving to Sydney or Melbourne. They are given plane tickets, a monthly allowance and English classes until they settle. Their reason for leaving El Salvador is not necessarily economic; one friend told me that he did not want his children to grow up in El Salvador. “It’s the situation, you know, the lack of opportunities, the hatred.”

There is little faith in the future. A recent poll asked people in the capital to select the party or political group that in their opinion had a solution to “the situation.” Almost 80% did not know which party to select or felt that nobody had the solution. The guerrilla groups were selected by less than 1% and the political parties did just a little better. The poll was conducted by the Catholic university, which cannot be accused of bias against the rebels. If there is any consensus in El Salvador today, it is on the lack of hope.

On the other hand (yes, there is another hand) important long-term changes are taking place in Salvadoran society. A middle class is emerging, the firm control of the oligarchy on public affairs has diminished, ideas are discussed. Although the economy as a whole is in dire straits, some businesses are thriving. When I asked successful businessmen what was the best segment of the market, all of them answered that it was the urban middle class (in El Salvador that means those who earn $200 to $400 a month). It is not the majority of the population, but it is a group that is growing, that is uncommitted politically and that is finally acquiring a separate identity.

The other bright spot is the growth of the electronic media. When I left El Salvador in 1983, television news was a joke. A couple of irresponsible extreme right-wing newspapers shaped public opinion. Today most Salvadorans get their information from radio or television, which have taken a much more dynamic approach to the news. There have been, for example, extraordinary televised debates between representatives of the rebels and members of the government, between the Christian Democrats and the Arena party, between laborers and managers. The idea of articulating arguments to persuade the public (as opposed to shouting slogans) is a completely new element.

At last, the basic elements necessary to build a working democracy in the long term (the emphasis being in the phrase “long term”) are beginning to emerge. Moreover, most people already know that there are no simple solutions, which is a better starting point than the old certainties.