Time Is Short, Party Experts Warn : ‘Great Builder’ Dukakis Has Difficult Jobs Ahead

“I don’t want to be a great communicator, I want to be a great builder,” Michael S. Dukakis has been telling Democrats across the country.

Now, in the wake of his impressive primary victory here Tuesday that established him as the clear front-runner for his party’s presidential nomination, Dukakis faces two critical long-term tests of his construction skills.

In the view of party professionals, borne out by exit poll results in New York and elsewhere, Dukakis needs to use the remaining delegate contests against the Rev. Jesse Jackson to forge a more solid base of support for himself, particularly among lunch-bucket and middle-class voters, if he is to successfully take on Vice President George Bush in the general election.

And in the process of doing that, it is also believed, the Massachusetts governor needs to create enough rapport with Jackson, who apparently will be his sole adversary, so that he can win Jackson’s assistance in the Democratic drive to regain the White House this fall.

Opinion surveys of New Yorkers leaving the polls indicated that much of Dukakis’ support was lukewarm and more intensely anti-Jackson than pro-Dukakis.

Max Frajberg, a retired meat packer from Little Neck in Queens, his wife and two sons all voted for Dukakis mainly because, like many Jewish voters here, they were troubled by Jackson’s views on Israel. As for Dukakis, Frajberg said, “He did some good things and he did some bad things, like any other governor.”

Some of Dukakis’ admirers contend that much of the concern expressed about the lack of passion his candidacy has aroused is overstated. They prefer to dwell on the mistakes he has not made during what they consider a sort of “no-fault” candidacy.

“He’s coming to the nomination with fewer problems and less baggage than anybody in recent years,” said Steve Engelberg, a Washington lawyer and former longtime aide to Walter F. Mondale who now serves as an unofficial Dukakis adviser.

Dukakis-Bush Polls

Citing polls showing Dukakis leading Bush, Engelberg said: “I think Bush is the one who should be doing the worrying.”

Dukakis himself, asked Wednesday at a post-primary press conference about exit poll findings that many who voted for him would have preferred to have had the chance to vote for New York Gov. Mario M. Cuomo, said: “I’m somebody who I think tends to grow on people as they get to know me.

“As it (the campaign) continues to go on, we’ll see stronger and stronger and more intense support,” he added. “But obviously for many people I’m a relatively new acquaintance, and it’s going to take a while to build that kind of support.”

But some Democrats, Dukakis supporters among them, worry that the time is short for this sort of intensity to build.

‘A New Plateau’

“He’s reached a new plateau,” said New York Rep. Gary Ackerman, one of Dukakis’ earliest backers on Capitol Hill. “He should be more aggressive, attacking Bush. Now he’s really running for President, not for the nomination.”

As for the Dukakis-Bush polls, independent analysts question the validity of polls favoring Dukakis over Bush, pointing out that voters have not yet focused on such a contest and arguing that while Bush may be vulnerable, Dukakis must show he can take advantage of that weakness.

Even former rivals concede Dukakis’ strong points. “There’s a steadiness and a sure-handedness that people look upon as presidential,” said William Carrick, who managed the presidential campaign of Missouri Rep. Richard A. Gephardt before Gephardt dropped out of the race last month.

But Carrick worries that Dukakis may have a hard time against Bush unless he can stir up some more intense support. “He’s got to get out on some issues that indicate he’s an agent for fundamental change,” Carrick said.

No Financial Advantage

And Dukakis, who has been able to outspend his Democratic opponents, won’t have that advantage against Bush, who will be able to more than match the governor’s financial and organizational resources.

Establishing a relationship with Jackson is perhaps a more difficult challenge because Dukakis must reckon with Jackson’s sensitivities as well as Dukakis’ own personal and political imperatives.

Jackson offered his own formula for solving the problem in characteristically cadenced aphorisms. “There must be a measure of competition and a measure of cooperation,” he said at a news conference Wednesday. “Let’s keep our eyes on the bigger prize of Democrats winning the White House in 1988.”

Jackson added that he hoped to meet with Dukakis “sometime soon to talk about the direction of the campaign, how the approach of our interests diverge and perhaps interests conflict, but to maintain the tone that we have established.”

Dukakis’ Problem

But many Democrats felt that the problem of establishing an environment that would permit a relatively harmonious conclusion to the presidential competition was mainly Dukakis’ because he is the presumed standard-bearer.

And everyone agreed it was important that he find a solution that would satisfy both Jackson’s voters and his.

“He’s going to win,” said Carrick, “but the way he wins is pretty important. Jackson has to be able to feel that if he loses, he lost at the ballot box, not in the back room.”

For that reason, Carrick contended, Dukakis and his advisers should be restrained about seeking the backing of the “super delegates”--the 644 party and elected officials who are free to back the candidate of their choice--until the Dukakis campaign comes close to the 2,081 majority it needs by winning primaries and caucuses.

Indeed there were indications that many of the super delegates were imposing some of that discipline themselves. Many of the 207 Democratic House members selected as super delegates Wednesday expressed admiration for Dukakis’ victory in New York but most showed little inclination to take an active role in securing him the nomination. Dukakis has 29 supporters in the group, Jackson, 17, and the rest are uncommitted.

‘Plenty of Time’

“We’re all going to be uncommitted if we have any sense,” said Texas Rep. Jack Brooks “We have plenty of time. Let ‘em run. Give ‘em a little more running room.”

But if these House members remain only spectators as far as the presidential campaign is concerned, they will be extremely attentive observers.

“Dukakis will be tested in the next few weeks more than he has in the last few months,” said Rep. Leon E. Panetta of Monterey. “The decision becomes, No. 1, what is a winning ticket, and, No. 2, how do you hold on to the Democratic constituencies that you have to have to have a chance of winning in November.

“Dukakis, himself, is going to have to play the leading role in that process,” Panetta said. “A lot depends on his ability to negotiate with Jackson and on the commitments that he wants to make. Party leaders can suggest all kinds of approaches, but the bottom line is what is he willing to commit to.”

Meanwhile, Jackson’s aides are not shy about saying they expect some initiative on Dukakis’ part to help nail down Jackson’s support, if as seems likely, the Massachusetts governor claims the nomination.

Seeking Consideration

“I think it’s reasonable for us to be considered for as much as the creative minds of Michael Dukakis and his advisers can come up with,” said Steve Cobble, Jackson’s chief delegate hunter.

Cobble acknowledged that Dukakis might hurt the Democratic chances of winning in November by appearing to offer Jackson too much. But he added: “I don’t feel it would hurt if Dukakis is not seen as going outside his own ideological frame of reference.”

Staff writers Douglas Jehl and David Lauter contributed to this article.