Seoul Poised to Rein in Intelligence Units

The South Korean government Tuesday gave its strongest indication to date that it intends to rein in the feared intelligence organizations that helped past rulers and the current leadership alike to consolidate their grasp on power.

An advisory group to President Roh Tae Woo proposed changes in Korean law that would bar the Agency for National Security Planning, formerly known as the KCIA, from conducting political surveillance, and would limit the Defense Security Command to military intelligence.

Both agencies have a substantial record of alleged human rights violations, ostensibly in the name of safeguarding national security.

They stand accused of torturing and blackmailing suspects, censoring and manipulating the media and contributing to divisions between opposing politicians with covert funds. In addition, several foreign journalists in Seoul have complained of surveillance and intimidation by intelligence agents. Even business leaders and members of the ruling Democratic Justice Party are believed to have been subjected to eavesdropping.

Effectiveness a Question

It was not clear, however, how effective the guidelines recommended by the Public Administration Reform Commission might be in checking the alleged abuses.

Indeed, despite steady progress on democratic reforms over the last year, South Koreans continue to be haunted by the intelligence apparatus.

Since Roh was inaugurated last February, critics concede, intelligence operatives have adopted a low profile and replaced threats and intimidating intrusions with a more discreet style.

But the structure of the intelligence community remains essentially unchanged since the days of Roh’s predecessor, authoritarian Chun Doo Hwan. And some dissidents say they believe electronic surveillance has increased under Roh.

Continued Political Role Seen

“The Korean Central Intelligence Agency is still involved in politics,” said Kim Dae Jung, the opposition leader who 15 years ago was abducted from a Tokyo hotel room by KCIA agents and taken back to Seoul. “They’re more careful now, but they’re basically doing the same thing.”

Reform of the intelligence apparatus is expected to be a major issue and a test for South Korean democracy in the months ahead.

“If they’re put under pressure to get rid of these security organs, then they are going naked into the future,” said one Western diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “If they keep them, they have a mechanism with which they can monitor and cover the situation. But as long as those organizations are around, the ruling party loses the chance to be perceived as democratic.”

Earlier this month, Kim’s Party for Peace and Democracy proposed a draft law that would curb electronic surveillance by requiring all wiretaps to be screened by an independent panel under the prime minister.

No Legislative Oversight

That was designed to check potential abuses while at the same time allowing for legitimate counterespionage, which even the most outspoken critics acknowledge is necessary to cope with the threat from Communist North Korea. Currently, there is no effective legislative or judicial oversight of the agencies.

Prominent dissidents, meanwhile, say they remain under frequent surveillance and that their private mail is routinely inspected.

“It’s a fact of life that they are listening and watching,” said the Rev. Kim Dong Wan, director of the Human Rights Committee of the Korean National Council of Churches. “They find out who you meet and what you discuss. They know how many forks and spoons you have in your home.”

Roh, a retired army general who once briefly directed the Defense Security Command, has said he reorganized the two agencies since becoming president to ensure that “they would return to their proper missions.”

Bae Myung In, a former Justice Ministry official whom Roh appointed as director for National Security Planning in May, told National Assembly auditors this month that the agency no longer would use a controversial reserve fund to underwrite “political maneuvering,” according to local press reports.

The Korea Times said the agency reportedly used more than 1 trillion won (about $1.4 billion) from the reserve fund during Chun’s seven-year presidency.

Sources among political dissidents estimate that the Agency for National Security Planning has a network of up to 100,000 officers, agents and informants--which, if accurate, would mean that there is one spy for every 420 citizens. However, that figure cannot be confirmed.

Staff of 6,000 Reported

Meanwhile, Defense Minister Oh Ja Bok told Assembly auditors in October that the Defense Security Command will discontinue investigation of civilians. He said the command has shut 37 of its branch offices and reduced its staff by 112.

A former employee of the organization said it keeps a staff of 6,000 professionals and estimated that it has more than 10,000 military personnel.

At the same time, some Seoul-based foreign journalists say brazen snooping by National Security Planning agents was sharply curtailed when Roh took office.

But dissidents argue that cloak-and-dagger activities could resume if the stability of Roh’s government is seriously threatened in the future.

“Mr. Roh is not entirely stable yet,” said Lee Boo Young, a released political prisoner. “Superficially, he promised he’ll strengthen the process of democracy, but he needs to maintain his control at the same time.”

Times staff writer Sam Jameson contributed to this article.