Making Congress Work Again

While Jim Wright implored the House to “end this mindless cannibalism,” his resignation by itself will not end the ethics binge that has gripped the U.S. House of Representatives. To some degree, the affair must run its course. The House has survived many crises in its 200 years, and it will survive this one. Ultimately, the House should emerge as a stronger, more effective legislative body.

One key reason for this is the firm, fair and professional manner in which the House Committee on Standards of Official Conduct has conducted itself during the Wright affair, and in which it will conduct itself in dealing with ethics questions brought against Republican Whip Newt Gingrich of Georgia. Under Chairman Julian Dixon (D-Los Angeles), the Ethics Committee has stood like a rock amid the partisan-fanned flames of accusation, rumor, news leaks, innuendo and countercharge.

Not so long ago, congressional ethics committees were virtual shams that evaded having to investigate their colleagues if at all possible, or that whitewashed or soft-pedaled ethical lapses if action could not be avoided. The idea of conducting an investigation that might actually bring down the Speaker of the House was all but unthinkable.

Under Dixon’s chairmanship, the House group has moved with determination when allegations against members were brought. Dixon irritated many members by issuing a new interpretation of what assets congressmen had to report. But the committee has been almost universally applauded for the thorough and judicial manner in which it has handled the Wright investigation.

There is much that is beyond Dixon’s control, however. On the day after Wright’s dramatic House speech, the National Republican Congressional Committee distributed a memo among GOP House members urging exploitation of the ethical problems of Wright and House Whip Tony Coelho (D-Merced), who is resigning from Congress rather than undergo an investigation of his purchase of a $100,000 junk bond. The memo said the fall of two of the three top Democrats in the House is the result of Democratic arrogance from being in control too long. That may sound like an appealing campaign pitch, but the document offered no evidence to support such a blanket indictment.

And there was a mood among some Democrats to get even with Gingrich, the acerbic new GOP whip who first pressed the case against Wright and claims to have a list of other Democrats to track down. Minority Leader Robert H. Michel of Illinois told Gingrich publicly to cool it--that he has a broader responsibility now as a member of the House leadership. Good advice. Michel must know that other Republicans could become investigation targets if anyone wanted to dig enough.

The best hope for a general cooling-off is quick, firm action by Rep. Tom Foley (D-Wash.) when he succeeds Wright as Speaker next week to bring order to the House and propose reforms in rules of conduct that everyone can understand and obey without the temptation of fudging or cheating. Then the House should get back to work conducting the people’s unfinished business.