Noriega Foes Didn’t Speak the Language of Democracy : Panama: The abortive coup was entirely a military matter. Next time, the citizenry will have a winning role.

As we were informed very early on the morning of Oct. 3 that shooting had erupted at command headquarters of the Panamanian Defense Forces, a group of Panamanian exiles met and started making calls to our country. Reports were very confused, but it was clear that a major coup attempt against Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega was in progress. The action seemed to be concentrated at headquarters, which led one to assume Noriega was inside, for the headquarters building is not necessarily the most important military garrison. Since troops on the outside were shooting inward, it was clear that this was a battle between loyalists and rebel troops. It was also clear that there was cooperation by U.S. troops, which secured Ft. Amador (a joint base), locking in Noriega troops, as well as Ft. Clayton, the Bridge of the Americas and the Avenue of the Martyrs.

Then the rebels’ first and only communique was read on Radio Exitosa. As we listened, our concern deepened. Normally, plotters in Latin American military institutions make all sorts of promises to draw support from as many constituencies as possible. Typically, they say that the coup is to “restore democracy,” “clean up corruption,” “respect human rights,” “restore justice,” “respect the will of the people through clean elections,” “protect against foreign ideological penetration,” “produce change,” and so on.

In this case, the communique, signed by Maj. Moises Giroldi Vega and Capt. Javier Licona, was totally different from the norm. It began by proclaiming a “return to Torrijismo,” which in essence meant “no change,” just more of the same with different faces. It then said that it would respect the present government--the puppet government installed by Noriega. Democracy was not mentioned once, nor was justice. The communique stated that this was purely a military operation with absolutely no political ties--in other words, a clear disconnection from the people’s movement for democracy. It then listed those officers who would be retired, starting with Noriega; it did not include any of his gang.

In essence, this coup would have condemned the people of Panama to “Norieguismo” without Noriega--to a change so that nothing changes.

Of course, the relief of getting rid of Noriega--in Panama, internationally and in the United States--would have been so great that voices of concerned democrats would have been drowned out. The Administration in Washington would probably have gone back to business as usual with the Panama narco-military machine, as it would have a fresh face. After all, President Bush said “we have no quarrel with the PDF . . . it is Noriega we want out.” God help us! we thought; the PDF has proven to any and all objective observers that it is a gang of thugs dressed in U.S. military uniforms with a different shoulder patch. This uniformed gang is incompatible with democracy in Panama. The people of Panama are not struggling for “stability” a la Noriega or a la Giroldi. They are struggling for democracy, which is their traditional form of government and the only true possibility for institutional stability.

When we got final word that the coup had failed, there was--incredibly--a sense of relief. After this “victory,” Noriega will have to face harsh realities. He is in a political vacuum, as last spring’s election showed in its 3-1 defeat of his candidates. His regime is completely isolated by the international community. His own military is fatally fractured. The coup leaders included the commanders of the units most loyal to Noriega--the crack Special Forces (the unit in charge of headquarters security), the cavalry and the G-2 intelligence unit, which Noriega headed and nurtured for 14 years. As for age group, there were junior officers, mid-level officers and very senior officers --a cross section of the total force.

For those of us who have battled for democracy in Panama for 20 years, this coup attempt was an unexpected bonus with a silver lining. The internal and external pressures will now multiply geometrically, pressing for legitimate democratic changes.

The brief drama of Oct. 3 held many lessons for military and civilians alike, such as: A successful military coup requires the participants’ decision to kill or be killed; they cannot depend on U.S. assistance; they must connect with the people’s militant nonviolent movement, and the objective must be legitimate democracy.

We, the people of Panama, will persist in our democratic struggle, and we will soon prevail over narco-militarism, in spite of our friends.