Robbins Hit by Montoya Trial Fallout

After the defense finished in Sen. Joe Montoya’s political corruption trial Wednesday, I walked over to the Capitol to visit Sen. Alan Robbins.

I went to see Robbins because he’s a prime example of the damage the trial--and the preceding federal investigation--has done to some members of the Legislature.

Although he’s not been charged with any offense, the Tarzana Democrat has been hurt by testimony in the Montoya trial. A government informant, wearing a secret recorder, taped Robbins suggesting that the informant offer $3,000 to Montoya for supporting a bill. Robbins also told the informant it would take about $40,000 to win Senate passage of the bill.

“It cannot be helpful,” Robbins told me. He denies any wrongdoing and says his words were taken out of context but “it’s not the kind of thing one uses as a building stone.”

It isn’t surprising the government sent the informant, former Senate aide John Shahabian, into Robbins’ office. Robbins’ great strength--and weakness--has been his supreme skill at the peculiar kind of politics played in the Legislature.

The Capitol game consists of endless, complicated trades and deals. There are the arrangements held together by a campaign contribution and a promise--sometimes spoken, usually not--of support for the donor’s bill.

But there’s another kind of deal, just as important: the trading between legislators as each bill or appropriation moves through the Legislature.

Budget time is when Robbins shines at this sort of politics. He’s usually on the Senate-Assembly conference committee that writes the final budget. Knowing that, colleagues approach him. Alan, someone will say, I need money for a park.

All of these requests are recorded by Robbins’ staff. When Robbins goes into the budget negotiations, his copy of the budget is indexed with notes containing the requests. As the negotiations move along, Robbins, master of detail, dispenses his favors.

This isn’t friendship. Robbins isn’t out to cultivate friends. It’s business. When Robbins grants a favor, you know he will one day ask for repayment.

He’s involved in so many of these deals that his colleagues can’t keep track of them. And he does it with an aura of secrecy. In the Senate, Robbins communicates through whispered conversations, rather than speeches.

I watched Robbins at work a couple of years ago. On the table was a perennial bill to eliminate the Southern California Rapid Transit District and replace it with a new agency.

Robbins’ San Fernando Valley colleague, Assemblyman Richard Katz, had proposed the bill. He had no problem with it in the Assembly. But there was no way Katz could get it through the Senate without dealing with Robbins, who considers himself the Valley’s Mr. Transportation.

Robbins steered the bill through the Senate, but with a key change: an amendment to allow Senate President Pro Tem David A. Roberti of Los Angeles to appoint a senator to the new agency’s board. Roberti, one of Robbins’ many debtors, undoubtedly was ready to give the job to Robbins. The senator wanted the appointment so he could increase his local political power.

But a backlash developed. Robbins made so many deals around the bill that some of his colleagues decided they didn’t want any part of it. When Katz realized the bill was in trouble he confronted Robbins on the Senate floor. Katz was so angry that the chief sergeant of arms, Tony Beard, quietly moved in two of his assistants to prevent a fistfight.

The bill passed. But Gov. George Deukmejian, clearly not liking the smell, vetoed it.

Now, with Robbins’ reputation somewhat clouded by the Montoya trial, Katz and Robbins may be headed for another encounter.

It all hinges on whether a Valley supervisorial district is created. That would happen if the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors is expanded from five members to seven as the result of the current federal redistricting suit.

Robbins and Katz, with their heavy involvement in local issues, have always been considered prime candidates. Their districts are in the middle of the potential supervisorial district. But now Robbins must contend with continually being linked to a federal investigation.

For some politicians, a scandal like that would be fatal. But Robbins has survived trouble before. He was acquitted of sex charges, brought after a teen-age girl complained of his conduct.

This latest situation, however, doesn’t seem to be going away. The work the government has done on the investigation gives the impression that authorities think they’re on to something big in Sacramento.

Katz knows this. Once manipulated and embarrassed by Robbins, he’s waiting for his turn.