It Takes More Than Voting to Establish Democracy : Latin America: Overall, democratic structures are lacking, which leaves fledgling governments vulnerable.

Democratic norms now prevail throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Yet the practice of democracy remains very uneven--vigorous in some nations, but floundering in many others.

The greatest threat to democratic progress comes from the gradual erosion of public confidence in elected governments that are unable to effectively address fundamental problems affecting national life: prolonged economic deterioration; intense civil strife; enormous disparities in income and wealth; unresponsive public institutions; continuing military interference in political affairs and widespread crime and official corruption. These are the challenges that democratic leaders must confront if Latin America’s political openings are to be sustained and deepened--and if democracy is truly to serve the people of the region.

In four countries--Colombia, Peru, Guatemala and El Salvador--protracted guerrilla insurgencies have led to vicious circles of violence that undermine the institutions, procedures and values essential to democracy.

Even where guerrillas do not threaten, democratic rule is often challenged by armed forces that are not effectively subordinated to civilian control. Civil-military relations vary considerably from country to country, but they remain troublesome nearly everywhere in Latin America and are a source of serious tension in many nations.

Constitutional democracy requires that all military forces be subject to the effective direction of elected civilian authorities. Today, only a few countries in the region--Cost Rica, Mexico, Venezuela and the Commonwealth Caribbean nations--meet that basic condition.

Political violence and military incursion into politics are not the only dangers to democratic rule in Latin America. Stunted by prior coups and military governments, political and civic organizations remain weak in most countries. Yet effective democratic practice requires structured and dependable institutions, accepted rules of political conduct and established legal protections. In their absence, politics often become personalized and erratic.

Legislatures and judicial systems in much of Latin America lack the autonomy, stature and competence to carry out their constitutional functions. Presidents, frustrated by delay and indecision, often use exceptional procedures to bypass the legislative process. In doing so, they debase the formal institutions of government, compromise legal norms, and--in the end--undercut democratic legitimacy.

Political parties in many countries of Latin America and the Caribbean lack effective ties to regular constituencies and are often little more than vehicles for contesting elections and distributing patronage. They rarely offer coherent programs and are frequently manipulated to serve the personal ambitions of their leaders. The weakness of political party structures allowed independent candidates without national party affiliation to win presidential elections in both Brazil and Peru this year. It is difficult, however, for the new presidents to govern because they lack the organized support needed to forge legislative majorities and mobilize popular backing on crucial policy issues.

Democratic progress in Latin America is hampered by the lack of sustained citizen participation in political life. Few countries in the region boast a vigorous array of non-governmental institutions through which the demands of ordinary people can be expressed, mediated and brought to the attention of authorities. In much of the region, trade unions, business groups, professional organizations and civic associations are weak, fragmented and too narrowly based to play constructive political roles. Free and independent media are vital to democracy, and press freedoms have expanded markedly in Latin America. But in many countries, the print media still represent only a relatively narrow range of opinion; in some places, governments continue to monopolize ownership of the media or limit access through licensing or censorship.

Even in those nations with relatively strong political institutions, democratic governance is threatened when citizens fail to participate in political life because of disillusionment, apathy or a sense that they have been unfairly excluded or disadvantaged. Representative self-government depends on the active involvement of all citizens and on fundamental respect for political leadership. When these falter, democracy runs the risk of atrophy.

Throughout the hemisphere--the United States and Canada included--there is a growing distrust of politics. Abstention from elections and skepticism about their significance are rising at an alarming rate. That voters in many countries are casting their ballots for political newcomers reflects, in part, their low regard for established democratic leaders.

Three crucial lessons have emerged from Latin America’s recent turn toward democracy:

--Elections do not necessarily lead to genuine democratic openings or to sustained democratic advance. Free and fair elections scheduled on a regular basis are a fundamental requirement for democracy, but other vital requirements must also be fulfilled. Most important is the development of strong representative institutions that maintain the rule of law and protect the rights of all citizens, effectively respond to popular demands and give citizens a continuing voice in government policy decisions.

For such institutions to emerge and take root in Latin America, political violence has to be brought under control, armed forces must be fully subordinated to civilian authority, citizens from all social and ethnic groups must be politically engaged, and sharp inequalities of income and wealth need to be reduced.

--Democratic institutions cannot be expected to thrive under conditions of economic duress, when millions are without jobs, adequate shelter and nutrition, basic education, or hope for the future.

All the countries of the Americas, individually and together, must establish and sustain economic programs that can renew investment, improve productivity and create new opportunities for vulnerable groups. The resumption of economic growth, combined with concrete measures to alleviate poverty and inequality, would do the most to restore confidence in democratic rule.

--Democracy is never fully achieved or secured. It is always on trial. Democratic institutions and procedures must be consistently respected, protected and strengthened. If they are not, they will remain at risk of corruption, of manipulation by those with special power or privilege, and of losing their vitality. Democracy can never be taken for granted.