THE PULSE OF EUROPE : Western Europe : Free From Old Political Worries

Having entered the last decade of the century, Western Europeans are largely free of old worries about politics. Gone is the era when Spain fretted over the fragility of its democracy, France felt eternally divided and Britain argued about its role in the old empire. Except in Germany, politics are not foremost in people’s minds. Instead, they sense a host of economic problems, especially unemployment.

This has put West Europeans in a self-centered mood. Unlike East Europeans, they separate their feelings about themselves and their countries; many Italians, for example, are pessimistic about their country but optimistic about their own lives.

This ought to be a hopeful time for West Europeans. The Cold War and fear of Soviet missiles have dissipated and they are, ostensibly, about to enter a new Common Market, Europe ‘92, in which goods, services, money and people are to be able to circulate freely, without national barriers. Yet these events have only made most people uncertain.

In the midst of worldwide recession, unemployment heads the list of problems cited in most countries--mentioned by 64% of the French, 60% of the Spanish, 39% of the British and 24% of the Italians. Loss of a job is especially terrifying in Europe because workers do not change jobs often. They expect to work for one company for life; unemployment can be a permanent condition.

Political issues trailed as European concerns: only 13% of Italians cited bad politicians and government as one of the problems of their country, for example, even though alienation from politics is a major phenomenon there. Spain was an exception, more than 30% of the people listing drugs and crime, apparently reflecting dissatisfaction with the permissiveness and delinquency that has accompanied the country’s transition from a police-controlled dictatorship to an open democracy.

Still, West Europeans are more optimistic than people in Eastern Europe. Rating their national life on a 10-point scale, West Europeans gave their countries an average 5.2 rating, nearly two points higher than East Europeans rated their homelands. While West Europeans generally feel their nations were better off five years ago, they predict a rebound in the next five years, to 5.7 on the scale.

Even more upbeat appraisals were offered when people were asked to rate their own lives. Here, on the 10-point “ladder of life,” the average score for West Europeans was 6.1. In addition, they felt their lives had improved in the last five years, from a 5.8 rating, and they predicted further gains--to 6.8--in the next five years.

When it came to fears, unemployment again was prominently mentioned everywhere; concern about war was significant in all but Italy and fears of poor health in all but Britain. Germans and Britons also worried about pollution, French about old age and Spaniards about drugs.

To some degree, personal optimism can be attributed to a general feeling of financial well-being in Western Europe. The Germans led the way, 71% saying they didn’t have a problem paying their expenses. Spaniards, on the other hand, were troubled financially--but still were optimistic about their nation, something analysts attributed to a lottery mentality. “Why do Spanish people gamble so much?” asked sociologist Amando de Miguel. “Because they think they are going to win.”

Despite the optimism, a surprising number of West Europeans said they’d like to settle in another country if they had the chance; indeed, 36% of the British responded that way, although some may have been expressing a yen for adventure more than dissatisfaction.

When they looked ahead to the new Common Market, West Europeans had more enthusiasm than expectations. They overwhelmingly believe Europe ’92 is a good idea, even though some are concerned about how their own economies will fare. In Italy, for instance, 32% worried that their nation’s economy would be weakened amid increased competition, but an impressive 77% still approved of the new alliance. “To be European is a value,” explained one Italian professor.

Throughout Western Europe, most people believe that Germany will dominate the integrated economy. But they display little resentment of the Germans, instead blaming their own shortcomings for any economic inferiority. “We’re a lazy nation,” said 35-year-old Annemaria Boomer, who runs a wine bar in London. “In Germany, they work really hard.”

When they look toward Eastern Europe, most people in the West display ignorance, apathy or belittlement. Asked which East European nation comes closest to their own in spirit, 80% of the Spaniards and 62% of the British couldn’t come up with an answer.

Ethnic hatred also remains a problem. Much as in Eastern Europe, there was widespread contempt for Gypsies, in particular. In France, there also was enmity toward North Africans immigrating from the former colonies and protectorates of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. “They bring crime,” complained a cabdriver. “ . . . They make the system rotten.” Anti-Semitism also lingers, most prominently in Poland, but also in Germany, where, while 52% of Germans viewed Jews favorably, 24% still rated them unfavorably.

In general, more tolerance of other ethnic groups was shown by the young, the educated, the affluent and residents of the great metropolises.

As in the United States, support is strong everywhere for greater restrictions on immigration.

Another surprise was the evident lack of concern over nationalist movements and secessionist terrorists, especially in Britain, which is troubled by nationalist strife in Northern Ireland, and Spain with its Basque separatists. Indeed, 61% of the Spaniards had a favorable opinion of the Basques.

Citizens of West European democracies feel somewhat alienated from their governments, led by the Italians, who have been numbed by a parade of 50 coalition cabinets since World War II; 87% of those polled agreed that Italian elected officials quickly lose touch with the people. “I see myself absolutely impotent, powerless,” said Giorgi Alpeggiani, a corporate lawyer.

Although alienated by politics, West Europeans held strongly to the view that the state has a responsibility for the social welfare of its citizens, in sharp contrast to the United States, which still champions rugged individualism. Majorities in Western Europe said it is a priority for government to guarantee that nobody is in need--while Americans said it is more important that the state leave everyone free to pursue individual goals.

Also in contrast to the United States, ultranationalism and militarism were out of fashion in the region. Only the British (56%) agreed with Americans that they would fight for their country right or wrong. Even France, with an extensive arms-export business, had a large majority (78%) rejecting the sale of weapons to the Third World.

By almost any measure, West Europeans revealed themselves to be less religious, less moralistic and less traditional in their values than Americans. Still there were differences among them--Italians and French being the most accepting of religious and ethical codes of belief.

One sour note that spread across borders was a distrust of fellow countrymen: 64% of the French, 63% of Italians and 50% of Spaniards did not believe most people in their societies were trustworthy, a finding some attributed to the self-centeredness of the modern world.

“Life has changed,” said Alpeggiani, the Italian lawyer. “The sense of the common good is lost.”