Wilson’s Veto Energizes Gay Rights Movement : Bias: Activists say their ranks are growing and that they may expand their political agenda. Governor’s rejection of anti-discrimination bill is seen as a turning point.

On a recent night in Hollywood, about 50 gay rights activists gathered in a narrow meeting hall to discuss the future of their movement. Talk soon turned to the possibility of violence and civil disobedience.

One protester suggested passing out anti-violence flyers. But that idea sat poorly with a member of Queer Nation, one of the more militant groups on hand. “Who are we to tell people what to do?” the dissenter demanded. “We are all sick and tired of being told by the cops and the Establishment what to do!”

Ultimately, members of the ad hoc protest committee reached an informal agreement--the flyers could go out, but anyone was free to ignore them. It was a position that said much about the doctrines and direction of the gay rights crusade, a decades-old movement that is burning with new rage and political ambition.

Scarcely a month after Gov. Pete Wilson vetoed a bill banning job discrimination against homosexuals, which triggered a massive outpouring of protest, coalitions and informal networks are springing up in every segment of the gay community, and membership in some gay rights groups has doubled. Unprecedented numbers of angry activists are gearing up for what they say will be a long, dogged battle on a variety of fronts--from massive street marches and protests to sophisticated lobbying efforts and boycotts.

As the initial burst of chants and marches begin to crystallize into longer-range strategies, gays are trying to cut a deliberately broad swath through the political terrain. Defiant protesters--some new, others veterans of past gay rights causes--are eschewing strong central leadership in favor of a movement orchestrated by many planners at the grass-roots level.

In Los Angeles, a focal point of the movement, new activism is expected to solidify gay political clout that has been formidable for years. Working in a mostly liberal, Democratic climate, larger and better-organized gay rights groups may be able to seize upon the momentum of the protests to play a greater role in supporting candidates, influencing city and county policies and, possibly, in creating elected seats for gays via redistricting efforts, said Rich Llewellyn, a senior deputy to Los Angeles County Supervisor Ed Edelman, a leading proponent of gay rights.

“There is being seen, already, a political impact,” Llewellyn said.

But gay organizers have their sights on more than Los Angeles. Just how far the nascent movement will go is difficult to gauge. Although some activists say it is too early to compare their efforts to the rise of the civil rights movement of the late 1950s and ‘60s, others see an obvious parallel between Wilson’s veto and events of that era--such as the attempt to move a black passenger, Rosa Parks, to the rear of a segregated bus in Montgomery, Ala., in 1955.

In each instance, a single stroke seemed to unleash years of pent-up resentment and pain. For gays, activists point out, the pain of discrimination has been intensified by a decade of AIDS.

“The veto has been a spark . . . for a larger, much more powerful (gay) movement,” said David M. Smith, a spokesman for the Los Angeles Gay & Lesbian Community Services Center, where the ad hoc committee meets weekly. “I’m sure that a couple of months down the road, we’ll look back and say (the veto) itself is minor compared to this larger movement that has come out of it.”

Though Wilson acknowledges the political power of gay demonstrators, he is not ready to concede such epochal significance to his veto, his press deputy, James Lee, said.

“History will be the judge of that,” Lee said. “Obviously, it’s a strong movement. We’ve witnessed throughout the ‘80s that the gay rights movement is a potent political force, especially in drawing attention to the AIDS crisis. They are a well-engineered and effective lobbying force.”

The especially strong reaction to the veto in Los Angeles seems to have marked a shift in gay political power, which traditionally has been centered in San Francisco’s smaller but more concentrated gay community, some activists said.

“Los Angeles has, for the first time in history, really been out front” in the gay movement, said Torie Osborn, executive director of the Gay & Lesbian Community Services Center. Though a social services agency, it has become a communications hub for activists, who see signs that the movement may be gaining outside California as well.

The National Gay and Lesbian Task Force met last weekend in Washington, D.C., and California was a prominent topic of discussion. Meanwhile, the movement has shown signs of picking up in Atlanta, Denver and parts of Florida, Michigan and Wisconsin, said Carol Anderson, co-chair of the ad hoc committee.

“The more you see . . . attempts to force us back into the closet,” Anderson said, “the more we fight back.”

Cooperation among groups is informal but rigorously maintained. Differing opinions about how the movement should be run are being concealed--and debated behind the scenes--in the name of showing a united front. There is a shared reluctance to develop any cult of leadership.

“Everybody looks for a Martin Luther King Jr.-type leader in the gay and lesbian civil rights movement,” said Joe Robbe of Queer Nation. “The fact is, we have probably 100 of that type of leader.”

So far, gay rights groups are stressing nonviolence while agreeing to hound Wilson with vociferous protests at the governor’s every public appearance. At the same time, a groundswell has grown in support of civil disobedience, portending a higher profile for future demonstrations. That, in turn, may create strain between militants and others in the movement who prefer less defiant action.

At a Republican fund-raising dinner in Woodland Hills on Friday night--the first target of planned civil disobedience--36 protesters were arrested for allegedly blocking traffic and demonstrating at the Marriott Warner Center hotel, where Wilson was the featured speaker. Police estimated the crowd of demonstrators at 250, and organizers said it was closer to 500.

The shift in tactics anguishes members of the Log Cabin Republican Club, a statewide gay political organization, which has denounced the veto but tried to maintain what it calls a working relationship with the governor. Conservative members, who anticipate trying to win support from Wilson and other Republicans for bills dealing with AIDS and gay rights issues, already are concerned by the way protesters shouted down Wilson during a recent speech at UCLA, said Ted Knoll, a former vice president of the group.

“Our fear is that the continued demonstrations will just alienate the support we’ve built” in Sacramento, Knoll said.

Even as further protests are contemplated, some leaders of the movement are hoping to harness community outrage to accelerate--and expand--the gay political agenda. Campaigns are taking shape to try to recall Wilson and to draft an initiative and new legislation aimed at guaranteeing the job rights that Wilson vetoed Sept. 29.

Life Lobby, a gay rights lobbying group, has identified a number of on-the-fence lawmakers whom it will try to sway in months ahead to shore up a slim margin of support for a job rights bill. To encourage support, the bill may be broadened to address women and ethnic minorities as well as gays, said John J. Duran, the lobby’s co-chairman for Southern California.

As another part of the developing strategy, many California gay rights groups plan to fight the 1992 reelection bid of Republican U.S. Sen. John Seymour, Wilson’s handpicked successor for his vacated U.S. Senate seat. Attacking Seymour is seen as one way to exact some measure of revenge against Wilson.

There is also talk of expanding the movement to address anti-gay bias in the military and in college ROTC programs. Members of the ad hoc committee in Los Angeles are weighing a possible boycott of the California grape and wine industries, which have donated to Wilson’s political campaigns. Organizers say the proposed boycott might single out Ernest & Julio Gallo, whose owners and their families have given at least $9,000 to Wilson since 1987, according to campaign statements.

“Focusing on Gallo and possibly a few other offending labels . . . can hurt Wilson’s backers and soften up legislators who opposed (Assembly Bill) 101 this year,” says a boycott flyer that is being circulated.

A Gallo spokesman declined to comment.

Yet another possible boycott under discussion would be directed at Target department stores, if the chain challenges a California appeals court ruling involving psychological testing of job applicants.

The court on Oct. 28 ordered Target to cease psychological screenings based on sexual orientation--a decision that appeared to guarantee gays the same job rights protection that they had sought through legislation.

Nonetheless, the ruling is unlikely to slow the movement, said Life Lobby’s Duran. He insisted that the “legal murkiness” of the court ruling would be best cleared up by the law that gays seek.

“We still see a need for some good, sound public policy in this area,” Duran said.

Among many gays, the attitude is to build on what they have managed to achieve by going much further.

“Now, there’s more of a desire to take hold of the future--to organize and strategize,” said Osborn of the gay and lesbian center. New groups and coalitions are forming, she said, because the movement has gained more energy than existing organizations can handle.

Recently, protest leaders have begun offering advice and safety tips for those who may want to take part in civil disobedience, she said.

“Hundreds, if not thousands, of people in our community have been in the streets for the first time,” Osborn said. “If . . . some subset of those people are ready to make a deeper commitment--i.e., to get arrested--we as a community have a responsibility to provide some training.”

Anderson, of the ad hoc committee, acknowledged that there are potential drawbacks in taking an aggressive approach. But an increasingly large number of activists consider it well worth the risk if they can prove that their movement is not going to go away.

“There is always a risk of alienating people,” Anderson said. “We know . . . that our very existence alienates people. There are people out there who advocate the death penalty for homosexuality.”

L.A.’s Gay Rights Movement

Here are some of the major organizations involved in fighting discrimination against gays and lesbians :

ACT UP/LA -- A militant organization that plans protests and seeks political action through lobbying and letter-writing campaigns. Founded in 1987, ACT UP/LA is part of an international network of ACT UP groups involved in dealing with AIDS and gay-bashing issues. The group, which meets weekly in West Hollywood, has a local mailing list of 2,000 members.

Ad Hoc Committee for Gay & Lesbian Equality -- A coordinating group formed after Gov. Pete Wilson’s veto of gay rights job legislation. The committee represents a variety of gay and lesbian organizations and coordinates the planning of protests and boycotts aimed at Wilson.

Colors United Action Coalition -- Newly formed, the coalition meets weekly in Hollywood to draw attention to the concerns of gays and lesbians of all races.

Gay Asian Pacific Support Network -- An organization to further the interests of gays and lesbians in Los Angeles’ Asian community. Created in 1984, it holds monthly meetings in Chinatown and is involved in organizing social events, letter-writing campaigns and protests, in addition to doing AIDS-education work.

Gay and Lesbian Latinos Unidos -- A social agency offering AIDS support groups and other services for Latinos. Members have taken part in anti-Wilson protests in Los Angeles and Sacramento.

GLAAD Los Angeles -- One of a dozen nationwide chapters of the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation. Formed in 1988, the chapter runs seminars and letter-writing campaigns and takes part in political demonstrations.

Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund -- The nation’s oldest legal advocate for gays, lesbians and people with HIV infection. Created in 1973, the organization has offices in Los Angeles and New York. In addition to providing legal help, the fund sponsors protests and educational forums.

League America -- A nationwide group whose largest chapter is in Los Angeles. The politically moderate organization was established to seek minority status for gays and lesbians and is involved in planning protests and boycotts.

Life Lobby -- The statewide lobbying organization that sponsored the gay rights job bill. Formed in 1986 to deal with gay and AIDS issues, the group maintains two full-time lobbyists in Sacramento.

Log Cabin Republican Club -- A gay and lesbian political organization with 1,000 members in California. Its Los Angeles chapter was formed in 1977.

National Gay and Lesbian Task Force -- A 20,000-member group, formed in 1973, which claims to be the nation’s oldest gay civil rights organization. From headquarters in Washington, it lobbies Congress and state legislatures and runs political protests.

Queer Nation -- One of the more militant protest groups; Queer Nation’s goal in in Los Angeles and other cities nationwide is to “bring power to gay and lesbian individuals.” L.A. members meet weekly in West Hollywood, where they plan protests and letter-writing campaigns.

Stonewall Democratic Club -- A gay and lesbian political group formed in 1971. With about 300 members in Los Angeles, the club lobbies on gay and AIDS issues, endorses candidates and participates in protest marches.