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Rule Lets Lawmakers Count Frequent Flier Miles for Personal Use

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TIMES STAFF WRITERS

It doesn’t have the scandalous aura of rubber checks at the House Bank. It doesn’t have congressional watchdogs baying with outrage. It’s not even against the rules.

But to some, the hundreds of thousands of frequent flier miles piled up by airborne lawmakers--including those from the San Fernando Valley area--bespeak special privilege.

Even though rules allow House members to use the bonuses for personal use, some of their aides exhibit Angst about the issue, given the election-year, perk-avoidance mentality on Capitol Hill.

The House Committee on Administration last September issued a new regulation that “encourages” members to use travel awards earned on official trips for subsequent official business “wherever practicable.”

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Before the modification, members had to use the mileage benefits for official trips only, leading some staffers to marvel at the new loophole.

“There are probably some major abuses going on, and probably some guys who are playing it straight,” said one veteran House chief of staff who asked not to be quoted by name. “But that’s the way this place works: It likes a lot of gray area.”

California members, with their long commutes, can easily rack up lots of flight points.

A check of Valley-area legislators revealed a range of frequent flier tallies. Rep. Anthony C. Beilenson (D-Los Angeles) has 371,000; Rep. Carlos J. Moorhead (R-Glendale) 142,000, and Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Los Angeles) a minimal number.

Moorhead’s figure includes some mileage from personal travel, although he says the majority was accumulated on taxpayer-funded trips between Washington and California. Waxman did not supply a figure but said he did not have enough miles to redeem for a trip to California. In the American Airlines program, that would be 20,000.

Rep. Howard L. Berman (D-Panorama City) said through a spokeswoman that he was unable to determine his total from government-funded travel because his tally reflects a combination of personal, campaign, official and privately funded trips. He declined to supply the figure.

“It’s irrelevant,” the aide said. “The total is an accumulation.”

The Valley numbers that were available pale in comparison to the record of Rep. William M. Thomas (R-Bakersfield), who has more than 2 million frequent flier miles. Thomas’ 20th District includes parts of the Antelope Valley.

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Beilenson, Moorhead and Waxman said in interviews that their policy is not to use frequent flier miles accumulated on taxpayer-funded trips for personal travel.

Beilenson said he uses the miles to upgrade his coach seat to first class on every fourth or fifth trip to California so that he can work on the plane, and that he also turns in miles for one or more free trips back and forth to his district each year on official business.

“I’ve never used it and intend never to use it for personal travel,” he said. “We shouldn’t be able to, in my opinion.”

Waxman said that he uses the miles only “for a trip that the government would otherwise pay for.”

Moorhead said that he uses the miles “basically for upgrades to first class” on his 12 to 14 trips back to the district each year. That is a common practice among lawmakers.

Berman said in a prepared statement: “My policy has been to use mileage awards in support of the conduct of my official duties and for personal travel for me and members of my family, particularly at the end of the school year when they moved from Washington to Los Angeles for the summer and in September when they returned to Washington.”

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The House regulation contrasts with stiffer Senate and executive branch travel rules.

Administration employees are urged to join the mileage clubs but are required to turn in miles awarded for business trips, a General Services Administration spokesman said. Federal agencies devise their own methods for tracking the miles. Some rely on the honor system.

The Senate also takes a firmer stand. The frequent flier miles are regarded as Senate property and not convertible to personal use, except for departing members, who can purchase the mileage at the going government rate, said Christopher D. Shunk, senior auditor of the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration.

Some critics say membership in the mileage clubs is a conflict of interest, particularly for members who deal with airline industry issues.

When the House Administration Committee adopted the new travel regulation--just before the House Bank contretemps caught fire--committee members took pains to deflect suggestions that it was a new perk.

Reps. Charlie Rose (D-N.C.) and Thomas, leaders of the House Administration Committee, argued that the money-saving travel bonuses were going to waste because of complicated advance booking requirements.

Thomas said last fall that the rule change was not made “because our jobs are hard,” but to treat House members like many private business travelers, including employees of The Times, who may keep their travel awards.

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“It’s not high on the list of problems facing Congress,” said Mike McCauley of Public Citizen’s Congress Watch, a Washington watchdog group. “But we would urge the miles be pooled for Congress as a whole and used only for legitimate trips.”

As for lawmakers upgrading to first class, “there’s no harm in flying coach,” McCauley said. “They shouldn’t be insulated from the general public.”

No one really foresaw congressional use of travel awards ever becoming an issue.

When American Airlines started the first such program in 1981, the marketing scheme was an immediate hit, spawning similar programs industrywide. Once the public got a taste for the free flights and service upgrades, there was no turning back.

“They were never intended to last,” American Airlines spokesman Marty Heiers said. “But they turned out to be the most powerful loyalty-building tool we’ve ever had.”

In the American AAdvantage program, 20,000 bonus miles are needed for a domestic trip, 40,000 for Europe and 80,000 for Australia.

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