How the U.S. Can Serve Its Own Interests by Working to Integrate the Americas : Diplomacy: By pushing for ratification of NAFTA and treating Haitian refugees fairly, Clinton can set a model for leadership in the hemisphere.

Bill Clinton wants to join with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean to form a “Western Hemisphere Community of Democ racies.” That is an ambitious goal. But it is founded on a realistic grasp of the new convergence of interests and values drawing the United States and Latin America closer together on the objectives of economic integration, the strengthening of democracy and greater social justice.

Ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement will be the first test of the new Administration’s commitment to its regional goal. Its rejection would be a devastating blow to U.S. ties with Mexico, by far our most important bilateral relationship in Latin America. It would also gut future inter-American trade arrangements.

That is why Clinton agreed to meet with President Carlos Salinas de Gortari of Mexico in Austin, Texas, on Friday--his first meeting with a foreign head of state since his election. Clinton has consistently supported NAFTA and reaffirmed it at his meeting with Salinas. As President, he must invest the energy and political capital needed to win its congressional endorsement. He is absolutely right, however, in demanding NAFTA be fortified by supplemental accords on environmental protection and workers’ rights. These would broaden public and congressional support for the agreement, reduce potential negative spinoffs and assure that benefits are more fairly distributed. Also, the United States could continue to work for a more democratic Mexico, free from electoral fraud and human-rights abuses.

Although NAFTA’s ratification takes priority, the Clinton Administration should move quickly to transform victory into a hemisphere-wide free-trade club. Every Latin American and Caribbean nation should be welcome--and encouraged--to join, provided it is willing to play by the rules, which should include a commitment to democratic government. Even before NAFTA’s approval, the three signatory partners--Mexico, Canada and the United States--should consult with other governments in the region to establish criteria, procedures and timetables for building a full-fledged Western Hemisphere trade pact.

The other pressing Latin American challenge is Haiti. When the Haitian army ousted freely elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide as president, Washington joined other governments, under the mantle of the Organization of American States, to restore constitutional rule to the island. Now, after a year and a half of virtually no progress, Clinton faces a dual task: to discourage an outpouring of Haitian economic refugees and to end repressive military rule and revive hope among the country’s poor majority.

The aim of the United States and other OAS members should be a negotiated agreement between Haiti’s de facto military authorities and Aristide and his allies. The generals should be put on notice that if they refuse to negotiate seriously and ultimately yield power, the currently limited embargo would be tightened and additional sanctions imposed. One measure of the army’s sincerity would be its willingness to allow the currently token 18-person OAS mission in Haiti to be enlarged to several hundred.

This larger group would be charged with keeping order, protecting political figures, investigating human-rights abuses and overseeing humanitarian and development assistance. Its multilateral mission should remain in place at least until 1995, the date of the next scheduled presidential election.

Aristide and his supporters cannot be allowed to block progress, either. If they prove unwilling to bargain in good faith, the Clinton Administration would have no choice but to explore other options to end the nightmare of Haiti’s people.

Until Haiti’s constitutional order is restored and its economic desperation relieved, the United States must act to avoid the uncontrolled flight of boat people. As he has pledged, Clinton should terminate George Bush’s executive order calling for all Haitian vessels to be interdicted on the high seas and their passengers returned to Haiti without opportunity to claim political asylum. The Haitians must be able to make their claims both in Haiti, through expanded U.S. consular services, and at offshore processing centers. Refugees should not be brought to the United States until they qualify for political asylum. Those failing to should be promptly returned to Haiti.

Whether in Haiti or elsewhere in the hemisphere, the best strategy for the Clinton Administration to promote democracy and respect for human rights is to mobilize unified action among the democratic nations of the Americas. Multilateral efforts carry greater legitimacy and moral authority, and they are the only way to reinforce, on a regional basis, the values and norms that must underpin a democratic community. But leadership from Washington is crucial.

The time is right for the Clinton White House to make the effort to transform the OAS into an effective instrument for the collective defense of democratic governments. The United States should, for example, press for an expansion of the resources and mandate of two key OAS agencies--the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights and the organization’s new Unit for Democracy. The democracy unit should have the capacity to gather and analyze information on troubled countries, and be wired into existing networks of human-rights activists, academic experts and other groups that can assist in fact-finding and interpretation.

There are several additional initiatives that the United States can and should take. The new Administration should review its own military programs in Latin America and, where they are still considered necessary, make sure they are reinforcing, not weakening, civilian authority. Further, the United States can encourage dialogues among civilian and military officials to develop regionwide norms regarding the missions, size and weaponry of armed forces.

Finally, U.S. initiatives can contribute to the struggle for social justice in the Americas--and there is much lost ground to be regained after a decade of debt crisis and economic restructuring. Given its domestic commitment to “put people first,” the Clinton team will understand that progress toward an economically integrated community of democratic nations cannot be sustained as long as widespread poverty and profound inequalities plague the hemisphere.

The United States has an unparalleled opportunity to serve its own interests and values by joining with the other hemispheric nations to move toward political and economic community in the Americas. By following its own best instincts and grasping the historic moment, the Clinton Administration would benefit all Americans--North and South.