PERSPECTIVE ON FOREIGN POLICY : Lift the Embargo While Castro Is Still Boss : U.S. goals can be more readily and quickly implemented because he can turn agreements into reality.

It is easy to understand why the United States considered Cuba an enemy in 1963. Because of the virulent military-political confrontation that existed then, the United States justifiably imposed an economic embargo on Cuba under provisions of the Trading With the Enemy Act. But if Israel and the PLO can resolve their differences in 1993, why not the United States and Cuba?

When one considers the situation today, it is impossible to understand why we continue to treat Cuba as an enemy. It is even harder to understand why the terms of the 1963 embargo are being expanded and made more punitive.

Based on my most recent trip to Cuba and discussions with military and political officials, it is patently obvious that Cuba has already done everything needed to eliminate all challenges to American security. There are no Russian troops in Cuba. There are no Cuban troops in foreign countries. The Cuban armed forces are being reduced significantly and possess no potential for offensive action against U.S. territory or interests anywhere. Cuba provides no support or encouragement to insurgents threatening governments friendly to the United States.

Furthermore, Cuban officials consistently proclaim complete willingness to discuss any issue that the United States considers a bar to the resumption of normal relations. This readiness extends to negotiations on reparations for American-owned property expropriated by Cuba in the 1960s and opening the uncompleted nuclear power plant at Juragua for inspection by American experts. Even the U.S. Navy presence at Guantanamo Bay, a very sore issue for Cuba, is no bar to negotiations.

The only non-negotiable issue is the governmental process in Cuba. Fidel Castro and his senior executives are slowly liberalizing the political process, but it will be on their terms, not Washington’s.

Is the absence of democracy a reason not to deal with Cuba on a rational, civil basis? We have serious issues with China, including human rights and arms sales to radical governments. It certainly does not have a democratic government. Nevertheless, we grant China most-favored-nation status in trade relations. There are many other examples.

In truth, there is no significant barrier to the gradual restoration of normal relations. The overwhelming benefits for both nations of resuming courteous, correct political and economic relations are undeniable. We are natural trading partners. Americans would profit and Cubans could start to repair the economic wreckage that mars life in Cuba today with an influx of investment, trade and tourism. Families could be reunited and physical suffering alleviated with food and medicine now denied to Cuba.

Furthermore, the United States is roundly condemned in Latin America and the United Nations for continuing our oppressive, inhumane embargo long after there is any justification for it.

Paradoxically, now is the time to move, while Castro remains securely in power. The conventional wisdom in Washington that no resolution of our sterile confrontation with Cuba is possible until Castro is gone is completely mistaken. Now is the time to negotiate new arrangements on sensible, constructive compromises. Agreements reached with Castro will be implemented promptly because he can turn the agreements into reality.

If we wait until Castro dies or involuntarily surrenders power, we don’t know who or what will succeed him. There may be political chaos, even anarchy, compounded by the efforts of Cuban emigres to foment disorder to promote their own chances of seizing power. Agreements with powerless political figures would be meaningless because competing rivals would thwart them.

It is ironic indeed that the best chance to see Castro surrender power at an early date is to do exactly what the anti-Castro elements in Florida oppose. Mutually beneficial arrangements and improved political and economic relations with Cuba would certainly speed the liberalization of Cuban social, political and economic institutions. Castro would become an increasingly irrelevant anachronism.

He can be expected to depart the scene far sooner after normalization than he would if we continue our destructive pressure on the Cuban people. This is his greatest hold on them today. As long as he can blame their suffering on America, Castro can call on them for unity and sacrifice to defend the revolution. When we remove that essential source of his power, he can claim victory and retire from the field, full of honors.

Given a measure of common sense and political courage in Washington, we can and should abandon a punitive policy toward Cuba and restore a productive, rewarding relationship with a neighbor ready to cooperate with America. If Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat can shake hands at the White House, why not Bill Clinton and Fidel Castro?